CHAPTER XL
Had the fatal sisters, even now, put forth their shears and clipped his thread, yet would not the friend of man "have fallen without his fame." Admiring posterity would still have written on his tomb,
Here lies the GREAT FRANKLIN
But though great now, he is destined to be much greater still. A crisis is approaching that is to call forth all his talents, and to convince even the most unthinking, that in the dark day of trouble the "wise shall shine forth like the firmament." By the crisis here mentioned, I mean the events leading to the American revolution.
The British cabinet, as if entire strangers to that divine philosophy which commands its disciples to be "no respecters of persons," allowed themselves in the most fatal policy of sparing the British subjects in England at the expense of the British subjects in America. After having drained much money from them in a variety of unconstitutional ways, they came at length to the resolution of taxing the colonies without their consent.
This dark design was hinted in 1754, by the minister, to governor Shirley, of the Massachusetts-Bay colony. The governor, well knowing his extraordinary penetration and judgment, broke this ministerial plan to Dr. Franklin; requesting his opinion of it. Dr. Franklin answered this question of the governor, by urging an "immediate union of the colonies with great Britain, by allowing them representatives in parliament," as the only thing that could prevent those ceaseless encroachments on the one side, and those bitter animosities on the other, which, he feared, would one day prove the ruin of both countries. As to the ministerial plan of taxing the colonies by act of parliament, where they have no representation, he assured the governor that it would prove utterly abominable. "His majesty, sir," said he to the governor, "has no subjects in all his wide dominions, who more heartily love him than do his American subjects. Nor do there exist on earth, the Englishmen who hold more dear the glory of old England than they do. But the same spirit of their gallant forefathers, which makes them ready to lay down their lives and fortunes, in a constitutional way, for their king and country, will for ever secure them from being slaves. We exult, sir, in the recollection, that of all the governments on earth, that of Great Britain has long been the freest; and that more blood has been shed for freedom's sake in England in one week, than on the whole continent for fifty years. Now, on the bright face of that government, the first and fairest feature is this: that no king can touch a penny belonging to the poorest subject, without his own consent, by his representative in parliament. For, if, say they, 'a king can at pleasure take our money, he can take every thing else; since with that he can easily hire soldiers to rob, and then murder us if we but open our lips against him.' As Americans glory in being Englishmen on the western side of the Atlantic, they very naturally claim the common right of Englishmen, not to be taxed without their own consent, by their representatives in parliament. But the British ministry, though they obstinately refuse to the Americans the sacred rights of representation, yet as wickedly insist on the right of taxation; and accordingly have brought into parliament the famous stamp act bill, whereby no business that requires a record on paper, as deeds, bonds, wills, marriages, &c. can be legally done but on paper that has received the royal stamp. Now, sir, you well know that the same minister who proposes this most iniquitous and unconstitutional act, would not dare propose to any the most drunken tavern-keeper in England, a farthing tax on a pot of his ale without the consent of his representative in parliament; and yet, without being allowed a hearing in parliament, three millions of free-born Americans, sons of Englishmen, are to be taxed at the pleasure of a distant minister! Not, honoured sir, that the Americans care a fig for the pence imposed on this bit of stamp paper, but for the principle. For they well know that if parliament claim a right to take from us a penny in the pound, there is no line drawn to bound that right; and what shall hinder their calling whenever they please for the other nineteen shillings and eleven pence? And besides, sir, where is the necessity for this most degrading measure? Have not the Americans ever shown themselves the warmest friends of their king and country? Have they not, in all cases of danger, most readily voted both their men and money to the full extent of their means, and sometimes far beyond?
"And in addition to all this, are they not daily paying large monies in secret taxes to Great Britain?
"I. We are not permitted to trade with foreign nations! All the difference in the price of what we could buy cheaper from them, but must buy dearer from Britain, is a clear tax to Britain.
"II. We are obliged to carry our produce to Britain! All that it sells for less there than it would in any other market, is a clear tax to Britain.
"III. All the manufactures that we could make, but are forbidden and must buy of British merchants, is a clear tax to Britain.
"And what freeborn Englishman can, without indignation, think of being so daringly defrauded of his birthright, that if he wants a pipe of good wine, he cannot go to the island of Madeira and get it on easy exchange for his bread stuff, and return at once to his home and business; but must go a thousand miles farther from his family, even to Great Britain, and there run the gauntlet, through so many ruinous charges, as to bring his wine up to almost double what it ought to have cost? And all this most flagrant injustice done to the whole people of the colonies, just to enrich half a dozen British merchants engaged in the Portugal wine trade!
"A similar outrage on another of the dearest rights of Englishmen, i.e. 'to make the most that they honestly can of their property,' is committed on the British subjects in America, for the sake of favouring a few hatters and nail makers in England. No country on the globe, furnishes better iron or better beaver than does North America. But the Americans must not make a hob-nail or a felt hat for themselves. No; they must send all their iron and fur to England for the hatters and nail makers there; who may give them their own price for the raw materials, and ask their own price for the manufactures.
"All that a wise government wishes, is, that the people should be numerous and wealthy enough to fight the battles of their country, and to pay the taxes. But they care not so much whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles.
"What imports it to the government, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grows rich in Old England or New England? And if, through increase of the people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the new smith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country, as well as the old in the old? In short, why should the countenance of a state be partially afforded to its people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit?"
The whig papers in London soon got this letter, and laid it before the public.
Among a high-minded people like the British, who pride themselves in their love of liberty and their perfect scorn of foul play, such sentiments could not be read without the liveliest emotions. And though some, the ministerial junto for example, with the merchants and manufacturers, did not like such plain truths, yet the nation in general gave him great credit both for his singular honesty and abilities; and the name of Dr. Franklin became very dear to thousands of the most enlightened and virtuous patriots of Britain.
But the pleasure of admiration was dashed with fear, that the minister would suffer no good to be done to the nation by all this divine counsel, merely because the giver was not an Englishman.
The lights, however, which Dr. Franklin had thrown on this great subject, were pressed upon the minister with such courage by numbers of honest English writers, that he prudently delayed ordering the collection of the tax until he could get further information. It was not long before an opportunity was offered him to obtain this information in a way highly complimentary to Dr. Franklin, i.e. by summoning him, then in London as colony agent from Pennsylvania, February 2, 1766, to appear before the Bar of the British House of Commons, to answer certain questions, &c.
The next day, accompanied by Mr. Strahan, afterwards member of parliament, with several illustrious Englishmen, his warm friends, he went to the house. The concourse was immense. To see Dr. Franklin—the American, whose philosophical discoveries and political writings had filled the world with his name, excited universal curiosity. The galleries were filled with ladies of the first distinction, and every seat below was occupied by the members from the house of lords. At ten o'clock he appeared at the bar before the eager waiting crowd. The profoundest silence ensued. All eyes were fixed on him; and, from their deep regard, it appeared, that though they beheld no stars nor garters glittering on his breast, no burning velvets nor flaming diamonds adorning his person, yet they were not disappointed. They beheld a spectacle still more interesting and novel.—The spectacle of a man whose simple dress evinced that he asked no aid of the tailor and silkworm to recommend him, but stood solely on the majesty of his mind. The hour for examination being come, and the attendant officer beckoning him thereto, he arose—
"And in his rising seemed a pillar of state—deep on his brow engraven deliberation sat and public care. His looks drew audience and attention still as night, or summer's noontide air."
Who can paint the looks of the minister, as with darkly scowling eye-balls, he beheld this terror of aristocracy! or who can paint the noble lordlings, as lost in equal stare, they gazed and gazed at the wondrous American, forgetting the while, "to quiz," as they were wont, "his homespun coat and simple shoe-strings."
But never did the mind-illumined looks of man shine more divinely bright than did those, that day, of the generous Barry, the godlike Chatham, and the high-minded Dunning, when they beheld the noble form of Franklin. Though born in North America, he shines before their eyes as a true born son of Britain—the luminous and brave interpreter of her sacred constitution, and the wise politician who seeks to exalt her glory, lasting as the skies, on the broad base of impartial justice to all her children. With eyes sparkling with esteem unutterable, they hail him as a brother; and breathe the ardent wish that in the impending examination he may succeed in diverting the minister from that unconstitutional course which may involve the ruin both of England and America.
The moment for trial being come, and the minister giving the signal to begin, the speaker thus commenced:—
Q. What is your name and place of abode?
A. Franklin, of Philadelphia.
Here followed nearly three hundred questions and answers, which were once read with exceeding interest by men, women, and children in America. But as they turn altogether on that great quarrel which the British ministry formerly excited in this country; and which God, to his endless glory, was pleased to put asleep in our favour near half a century ago, then let all these questions and answers lie asleep with it. However, it is but justice to Dr. Franklin to observe, that when we consider these questions, what a wide range they take both of the British and American relations and interests—together with the luminous, prompt, and decisive manner in which they were solved, we are lost in astonishment at the extent of his information and the powers of his mind, and are almost tempted to believe that the answers, and not the questions must have been studied with the nicest discrimination of circumstances.
Charles Fox, an honest Englishman, and an excellent judge in these matters, being asked his opinion of Dr. Franklin and the ministers in the late examination, replied, in his strong way, "Dwarfs, sir, mere dwarfs in the hand of a giant!"
Edmund Burke used to say, that this examination of Dr. Franklin before the ministers, always put him in mind of a "Master examined before a parcel of school-boys."
But though his abilities on this occasion excited the admiration of generous enemies, while his more partial friends set no bounds to their praise, yet it would appear from the following that all afforded him but little pleasure. In a letter to a friend in Philadelphia, he has these remarkable words: "You have, no doubt, heard that I have been examined before the House of Commons in this country. And it is probable you have also been told that I did not entirely disappoint the expectations of my friends, nor betray the cause of truth. This, to be sure, gives me some pleasure; and, indeed it is the only thing that does; for, as to any good being done by my honest statement to ministers, of what I firmly believe to be the best interests of the two countries, 'tis all, I fear, a lost hope. The people of this country are too proud, and too much despise the poor Americans, to allow them the common rights of Englishmen, that is, a representation in parliament. And until this be done, I apprehend that no taxes laid by parliament, will ever be collected, but such as must be stained with blood. How lamentable it is that two people, sprung from the same origin, speaking the same language, governed by the same laws, and worshipping at the same altar of God, and capable, by a wise use of the extraordinary means he has now put into their hands, of becoming the greatest nation on earth, should be stopped short and perhaps reduced to insignificance by a civil war, kindled by ministers obstinately contending for what they cannot but know to be utterly unconstitutional and eternally inadmissible among the free-born sons of Englishmen. But I suppose the repeal will not now be agreed to, from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the honour and dignity of government are better supported by persisting in a wrong measure, once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered."
Differently, however, from the apprehensions of Franklin, the stamp act was repealed, and even in the course of the same year!
But though so little expected by him, yet was this event ascribed, in a great measure, to Dr. Franklin. His famous examination, printed in a shilling pamphlet, had been distributed by myriads throughout Britain and America. In America it served to brighten up the old land marks of their rights as free-born sons of Englishmen, and to quicken their sensibilities to ministerial frauds. In England, it served to show the ignorance of the ministers; the impolicy of their measures towards America; and the utter inexpediency of the stamp act. The stamp act of course fell to the ground. The reader, if a good man, exults, no doubt, in this as a most fortunate event, and already hails this removal of strife, as a certain prelude to that return of love between the mother country and her colonies, which will make them both, glorious and happy. He may hope it, but alas! he is never to see the accomplishment of that good hope. Death is whetting his scythe; and civil wars and slaughters are now just as near at hand as though the stamp act had never been repealed. For a pamphlet in some popular style that should unrip the black budget of ministerial injustice and lay naked to view the causes of the coming war; that unnatural war that is to sever England and her colonies for ever! Brighter than a thousand sermons it would illustrate to politicians that "the Lord is King"—that the sole end of his government, is to glorify himself in the happiness of his creatures—that thereunto he hath established his throne in justice—the eternal justice of men "doing unto others as they would that others should do unto them," and that none, however great, shall ever violate this blessed order with impunity. The British ministry are destined to illustrate this. They are fond of power—to preserve this, they must continue in place—in order thereunto they must please the merchants and manufacturers—to accomplish this they must favour their trade and lighten their taxes. And how is this to be done? why, by a little peccadillo of injustice. They have only to sweat the "convicts on their American plantations,"—the rascals live a great way off, and have no representative in parliament to make a noise about it. Accordingly, soon as the Americans were supposed to have gotten a little over their fever about the stamp act, the minister, lord North, of famous memory, determined to try them again. However it was but a small affair now—only a three penny excise on the pound of tea.
When Dr. Franklin, our ARGUS, then in London, discovered the designs of minister North, he exerted himself to point that purblind gentleman to the horrible gulf that was yawning at his feet. He wrote letters to several members of parliament, his friends; and he published a number of luminous pieces in the patriotic gazettes, all admirably calculated to rouse the friends of the nation to a sense of the impending dangers.
In three letters to the honourable Mr. W. Strahan, he has, in the extract, these remarkable words:—
"London, November, 1768.
"Dear Sir,
"With respect to the present dispute between Great Britain and the colonies, there is nothing I wish for more than to see it amicably settled. But Providence brings about its own ends by its own means; and if it intends the downfall of a nation, that nation will be so blinded by its pride and other passions as not to see its danger, or how its fall may be prevented.
"The friends of the ministry say that this tax is but a trifle; granted. But who does not see what will be the consequence of submitting to it? Is it not the more dangerous for being a trifle? Is it not in this way that the devil himself most effectually works our ruin? If he can but prevail on a poor thoughtless youth to shake hands with innocence, and to steal, he is abundantly satisfied. To get the boy's hand in, is all he wants. And he would as leave the simpleton should begin with stealing a halter as a horse. For he well knows that if he but begins with the one he is sure to end with the other. Just so the minister, angling for American liberty, artfully covers his hook with this delicate bait. But the truth is, I have talked and written so much and so long on the subject of this unhappy quarrel, that my acquaintance are weary of hearing, and the public of reading, any more of it; which begins to make me weary of talking and writing; especially as I do not find that I have gained any point in either country, except that of rendering myself suspected, by my impartiality, in England of being too much an American, and in America of being too much an Englishman. However, as in reply to your polite question, "what is to be done to settle this alarming dispute?" I have often told you what I think the minister ought to do: I now go a step farther, and tell you what I fear he will do.
"I apprehend he will, ere long, attempt to enforce this obnoxious tax, whatever may be the consequences.—I apprehend that in the mean time, the colonies will continue to be treated with contempt, and the redress of their grievances be neglected—that, this will inflame matters still more in that country—that, further rash measures there, may create more resentments here—that, their assemblies will be attempted to be dissolved—that, more troops will be sent to oppress them—that, to justify these measures of government, your newspapers will revile them as miscreants, rogues, dastards, and rebels—that, this will alienate the minds of the people here from them, and theirs from you—that, possibly too, some of their warm patriots may be distracted enough to do some mad act which will cause them to be sent for hither—and that government may be indiscreet enough to hang them for it—that mutual provocations will thus go on to complete the separation, and instead of that cordial affection which so long existed, and which is so necessary to the glory and happiness of both countries, an implacable malice, dishonourable and destructive to both, may take place. I hope, however, that this may all prove false prophecy, and that you and I may live to see as sincere a friendship established between our countries, as has so many years subsisted between W. Strahan, Esq. and his truly affectionate old friend,
"B. FRANKLIN."
But notwithstanding his prayer to the contrary, every body recollects how, exactly as Dr. Franklin had predicted, the minister continued to blunder and blunder on with his face constantly towards war—how nothing was trumpeted by the ministerial party, like the ingratitude and baseness of the Americans—how certain newspapers perpetually vilified them as miscreants, rascals and rebels—how the public mind was so set against them that even the shoe-blacks, as Mr. Wilkes said, talked of the colonies as their plantations, and of the people there as if they had been their overseers and negroes—how the minister determined at last, to enforce the tea-tax—how, on hearing the news of this, as of the stamp act, the yankees muffled their drums, and played the dead march—how they took the sacrament never to submit to it—how the minister, to test their valour, sent three ships laden with this three-penny tea—how the yankees, dressed like Mohawks, boarded their ships and destroyed their cargoes—how the minister, waxing more in wrath, sent more soldiers to quell the rebels—how the rebels insulted the soldiers—how the soldiers fired on the rebels—how the port of Boston was shut by royal proclamation—how, in spite of the royal proclamation, the colonies would trade with her and send monies to her relief—how the lords and commons petitioned the king that, any rebel opposing the officers of his sacred majesty, should be instantly hung up without judge or jury—how the king thanked his noble lords and commons, and was graciously pleased to decree that all rebels thus offending should be thus hung up without judge or jury—how that, notwithstanding this gracious decree, when his majesty's troops attempted to destroy the rebel stores at Concord, the rebels attacked and killed them, without any regard to his majesty's decree.
This unpardonable sin against the "Lord's anointed," which happened on the 19th of April 1775, served as the double bolting and barring of the door against all hope of peace. Throughout America, it struck but one deep and awful sentiment, "the sword is drawn, and we must now throw the scabbard away." In May, the news got to England, where it excited emotions that beggar all description. They somewhat, however, resembled the effects of the trumpet of the great angel spoken of in the Revelations, that sounded "wo! wo! wo! to the inhabitants" of America, and proclaimed the pouring forth of fire and sword. But, reserving this tragedy for the next chapter, we will conclude the present with the following anecdote. It will show at least, that doctor Franklin left no stone unturned to carry his point; and that where logic failed he had recourse to wit.
THE CAT AND EAGLE
A FABLE, BY DOCTOR FRANKLIN
Lord Spencer was a great admirer of Dr. Franklin, and never missed sending him a card when he intended a quorum of learned ones at his table. The last time that our philosopher enjoyed this honour, was in 1775, just before he was driven from England by lord North. The conversation taking a turn on fables, lord Spencer observed, that it had certainly been a very lucky thing, especially for the young, that this mode of instruction had ever been hit on, as there was a something in it wonderfully calculated to touch a favourite string with them, i.e. novelty and surprise. They would listen, he said, to a fox, when they would not to a father, and they would be more apt to remember any thing good told them by an owl or a crow, than by an uncle or an aunt. But I am afraid, continued his lordship, that the age of fables is past. Æsop and Phædrus among the ancients, and Fontaine and Gay among the moderns, have given us so many fine speeches from the birds and beasts, that I suspect their budgets are pretty nearly exhausted.
The company concluded with his lordship, except Franklin, who was silent.
"Well, doctor," said lord Spencer, "what is your opinion on this subject?"
"Why, my lord," replied Franklin, "I cannot say that I have the honour to think with you in this affair. The birds and beasts have indeed said a great many wise things; but it is likely they will say a great many more yet before they are done. Nature, I am thinking, is not quite so easily exhausted as your lordship seems to imagine."
Lord Spencer, evidently confused, but still with that countenance of pleasure which characterizes great souls, when they meet superior genius, exclaimed—"Well, doctor, suppose you give us a fable? I know you are good at an impromptu." The company all seconded the motion. Franklin thanked them for the compliment, but begged to be excused. They would hear no excuses. They knew, they said, he could go it, and insisted he should gratify them. Finding all resistance ineffectual, he drew his pencil, and after scribbling a few minutes, reached it to Spencer, saying—"Well, my lord, since, you will have it so, here's a something fresh from the brain, but I'm afraid you'll not find Æsop in it."
"Read it, doctor, read it!" was the cry of the noble lord and his friends. In a mood, spriteful and pleasant, Franklin thus began—"Once upon a time—hem!—as an Eagle in the full pride of his pinions, soared over a humble farm-yard, darting his fiery eyes around in search of a pig, a lamb, or some such pretty tit-bit, what should he behold but a plump young rabbit, as he thought, squatted among the weeds. Down at once upon him, he pounced like thunder, and bearing him aloft in his talons, thus chuckled to himself with joy—Zounds, what a lucky dog I am! such a nice rabbit here, this morning, for my breakfast!
"His joy was but momentary; for the supposed rabbit happened to be a stout cat, who, spitting and squalling with rage, instantly stuck his teeth and nails, like any fury, into the eagle's thighs, making the blood and feathers fly at a dreadful rate.
"Hold! hold! for mercy's sake, hold! cried the eagle, his wings shivering in the air with very torment.
"Villain! retorted the cat, with a tiger-like growl, dare you talk of mercy after treating me thus, who never injured you?"
O, God bless you, Mr. Cat, is that you? rejoined the eagle, mighty complaisant; 'pon honour, I did not intend, sir. I thought it was only a rabbit I had got hold of—and you know we are all fond of rabbits. Do you suppose, my dear sir, that if I had but dreamt it was you, I would ever have touched the hair of your head? No, indeed: I am not such a fool as all that comes to. And now, my dear Mr. Cat, come let's be good friends again, and I'll let you go with all my heart.
"Yes, you'll let me go, scoundrel, will you—here from the clouds—to break every bone in my skin!—No, villain, carry me back, and put me down exactly where you found me, or I'll tear the throat out of you in a moment.
"Without a word of reply, the eagle stooped at once from his giddy height, and sailing humbly down, with great complaisance restored the cat to his simple farm-yard, there to sleep, or hunt his rats and mice at pleasure."
A solemn silence ensued. At length, with a deep prophetic sigh, lord Spencer thus replied: "Ah! Dr. Franklin I see the drift of your fable; and my fears have already made the application. God grant, that Britain may not prove the eagle, and America the cat." This fable paraphrased in the Whig papers of that day, concludes in this way:
"Thus Britain thought in seventy-six,
Her talons in a hare to fix;
But in the scuffle it was found,
The bird received a dangerous wound,
Which, though pretending oft to hide,
Still rankles in his Royal side."