History of the Jews, Vol. 2 (of 6)

On the occasion of the destruction of Nahardea by Odenathus, Samuel's daughters, doubtless together with many others, were taken prisoners by the enemy and brought to Sepphoris. The freebooters speculated on heavy ransoms, which appeared to them more lucrative than the sale of the captives in the slave market, for it was well known that the Jews spared no expense in order to procure the release of their fellow-countrymen. Samuel's daughters had derived so much benefit from their father's profound knowledge of the Halacha that they succeeded in escaping the application of a strict law, which placed all maidens who had been taken prisoners on the same footing with those who had been dishonored, thus incapacitating them from contracting a spotless marriage. Before it was known whose daughters they were they had already recovered their freedom, and their assertion that their innocence had received no taint at the hands of the rough warriors was readily believed. When Chanina heard in Sepphoris that they were Samuel's daughters he strongly enjoined a relation of theirs, Simon b. Abba, to marry one of them.

Odenathus, the destroyer of Nahardea, gradually became a petty Asiatic prince of Palmyra or Tadmor, the oasis which King Solomon had converted into a city. The Roman empire was so feeble and tottering that it was this hitherto disregarded warrior who was obliged to oppose a bulwark to the conquests of the Persians on Roman territory. The great services which he thus rendered to the empire compelled his recognition (264) as co-emperor by Gallienus, a monarch characterized by his weakness and love of satire. Odenathus did not long enjoy this high dignity, for in 267 he fell by the hand of an assassin, instigated, as the story went, by Zenobia, his wife. After his death the regency devolved upon Zenobia, her two sons being still minors. Through her influence Palmyra, the city of the desert, was transformed into the home of imperial pomp, culture, and refined taste. A Christian report represents the empress Zenobia as a Jewess, but the Jewish authorities make no mention of this fact. No colors seem to be vivid enough for the Roman accounts of Zenobia in order to paint the picture of her strange personality. The palace of this second Semiramis, the ruins of which still bear witness to refined and artistic taste, was the meeting-place of original-minded geniuses, with whom the queen delighted to hold philosophical intercourse.

At her court resided Longinus, the refined and philosophical lover of the fine arts, who in his æsthetic work on the Sublime was unable sufficiently to express his admiration of the poetical contents of the Biblical account of the Creation, "Let there be light." Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, when accused of heresy, also found shelter at her court. Zenobia, his patroness, also seems to have had some leaning towards the fundamental truth of Judaism. The Jews were, nevertheless, not particularly well disposed towards the court of Palmyra. Jochanan, although not blind to the beauties of Greek, gave utterance to the most unfavorable opinions concerning the Palmyrene state: "Happy will he be who sees the fall of Tadmor." Subsequent generations were at a loss to explain this aversion.

There can be no doubt that many Jews took up arms against Zenobia, whose rule must also have extended over Judæa. It is related that a certain Zeïra bar Chanina having been brought up before Zenobia to receive sentence for an offense which seems to have been of a political nature, two of Jochanan's disciples, Ami and Samuel, presented themselves before the empress, in order to intercede on his behalf and obtain his liberation. They were most ungraciously received, however, by Zenobia. "Do you think," said she, "that because God has worked so many miracles for your nation you can hazard everything, simply putting your trust in Him?" Another occurrence, which is related by the same authority, seems also to have taken place during Zenobia's reign. A certain Ulla bar Kosher, of whom no further mention is made in history, was prosecuted for a political offense, and fled to Joshua ben Levi in Lydda. So much importance must, however, have attached to his capture that a troop of soldiers surrounded Lydda, and threatened to destroy the city if the fugitive were not delivered up to them. In this sad dilemma in which the life of a single individual must either be sacrificed or the safety of an entire community endangered, Joshua ben Levi prevailed upon Ulla to give himself up. He justified this course of conduct by referring to a Mishnaic law which permits the surrender to the political power of a culprit specially designated, in the case of many lives depending on such compliance. But the Jewish conscience, symbolized by the prophet Elijah, refused to take any part in bringing about the death of a man. Elijah, the ideal of pure zeal for Judaism, appeared to Joshua ben Levi and inspired him with remorse for having allowed himself to deliver up the culprit; he ought not to have relied solely on the simple preceptive law, but should also have been mindful of the "Mishna of the Pious," which widened and elevated their views concerning the precepts of duty.

Zenobia's reign, after enduring brilliantly for several years (267–273), was brought to a termination by Aurelian, who gained a hard-earned victory over the haughty empress, and brought her in golden fetters to Rome to figure in his triumph. Jochanan lived to see the fulfilment of his wish regarding Tadmor, and died a few years after its fall (279).

CHAPTER XX.
THE PATRIARCHATE OF GAMALIEL IV. AND JUDAH III

The Amoraim in Palestine – Ami and Assi – The Brothers Chiya and Simon bar Abba in Tiberias – Abbahu in Cæsarea – The Emperor Diocletian – Complete Separation from the Samaritans – Character and Political Position of Abbahu – Huna in Babylonia – Chama's Generosity – Huna's Contemporaries and Successors – Judah ben Ezekiel – Chasda of Cafri – Mar Sheshet – Nachman bar Jacob – Zeïra.

279–32 °C. E

The period during which Christianity emerged from the position of a persecuted community and acquired that of an established church, marks a crisis in the development of the history of the world, and forms an epoch of transition also in the history of the Jews. The influence exerted by the mother-country began gradually to decline. It was Babylonia that now occupied the universal interest, while Judæa became a holy antiquity; it still possessed the power of arousing glorious memories, but was no longer the scene of memorable deeds. The teachers of this generation, indeed, were not few, including in their numbers the disciples of Chanina, Jochanan, and Resh-Lakish; and the youth of Babylonia, smitten with a holy longing, still preferred the schools of Palestine to those of their native land. But only very few of the principals of the schools were possessed of any eminence, and the most important of them, Ami, Assi, Chiya b. Abba, and Zeïra, were all Babylonians by birth. Abbahu, the only one who was a native of Judæa, was a person of much originality, but of no authority in the Halacha. The superiority of Babylon was so readily acknowledged that Ami and Assi, the leaders of Judæa, of their own accord subordinated themselves to Rab's successor. The Babylonian novices excelled their masters in the knowledge of the Law; Sora and Pumbeditha took the lead of Sepphoris and Tiberias. Even the Patriarchs of this period, Gamaliel IV and Judah III, possessed but an insignificant knowledge of the Law, and were both obliged to receive instruction from Amoraim. Under Judah the duty of examining witnesses concerning the appearance of the new moon degenerated into a mere pretense and a formality. When Ami expressed a desire that this duty should be seriously fulfilled, the Patriarch informed him that he had often understood from Jochanan, that as soon as, according to astronomical calculation, the thirtieth day was ascertained to be the beginning of the new month, it was permissible to press a witness into declaring that he had perceived the new moon, although this was not the case. The accurate calculation of the Festivals gradually made this burdensome custom of the examination of witnesses so superfluous that Judah's successor was able to entirely abrogate this duty of the Patriarchate. Of more importance appeared to Judah the ordering of the affairs of the communities and the schools, and to this point he devoted his entire attention. He commissioned the three principal Amoraim, Ami, Assi, and Chiya, to undertake a journey through the cities of Judæa, in order to inspect the various institutions of a religious or educational character, and to restore them in those places where they were falling into decay. In one town, where the envoys found neither teachers of the people nor of the young, they summoned the elders to bring before them the guardians of the city. On the armed guard of the town being brought into their presence, the envoys of the Nasi exclaimed: "These are in nowise the guardians of the city, but its destroyers; the true guards are the teachers of the young and of the people; 'If God protect not the house, in vain watcheth the warder.'"

The Patriarchate of Judah III falls in the reign of Diocletian and his co-emperor, who, by the strength of their rule and their sincere devotion, delayed for a time the decline of the Roman empire. Diocletian was not unfavorably disposed towards the Jews. He was, perhaps, all the more tolerant to them in proportion as he hated and persecuted the Christians; these latter he considered as the sole cause of the dissolution of the Empire, on account of their persistent struggle against the Roman state religion, and their zeal for conversion. The rigorous edicts which this monarch considered it necessary to decree during the last years of his reign (303–305), and which aimed at compelling the Christians to adopt the worship of idols, at closing their churches, and at prohibiting their meetings for divine service, did not include the Jews within their terms, although, curiously enough, the Samaritans do not seem to have escaped their action. Nevertheless, the enemies of the Jews appear to have exerted themselves in order to prejudice Diocletian against them. The emperor was secretly informed that the Patriarch and his companions made merry over his obscure parentage and his surname Aper (Boar), concerning which the emperor was especially sensitive. The story relates that the emperor, highly exasperated, commanded the Patriarch and the most distinguished members of the community to appear before him on a Saturday night, at Paneas, about twenty miles from Tiberias. As this command was not communicated to them until late on Friday, they found themselves in the desperate dilemma of undertaking a journey on the Sabbath, or disregarding the imperial summons. On their arrival at Paneas, Diocletian ordered them to bathe themselves for several days previous to appearing before him in audience. This insult was intended as an allusion to the uncleanliness with which the Jews were reproached. When at last they were brought before the emperor, the Patriarch and his companions assured Diocletian of their loyalty and faithfulness, and they are said to have convinced him that they had been iniquitously calumniated, whereupon he graciously dismissed them (about 297 or 298).

By reason of the constraint of sacrificing to the gods, under which Diocletian laid both Samaritans and Christians, the former were completely and forever excluded from the Jewish community. A peculiar fate controlled the relations of these two kindred and neighboring races, and prevented them from living on good terms for any length of time. At any moment which appeared favorable to mutual advances, trifling circumstances were sure to arise which widened the breach between them. After the destruction of the Temple the two peoples lived in tolerably good relations with one another; the Samaritans were admitted to be in many respects strict Jews. The war of Hadrian united Jew and Samaritan even more closely, and this friendly relation took so deep a root, that Meïr's decision to regard the Samaritans as heathens never gained general acceptance. Daily intercourse and business connections had bound them closely to each other. Even Jochanan did not hesitate to partake of meat prepared by the Samaritans. His successors were, however, more severe, and contrived to bring about a separation from the Samaritans. The occasion of this rupture is said to have been as follows: Abbahu having once ordered some wine from Samaria, an observation was made to him by an old man that the Law was no longer strictly observed in that country. Abbahu communicated this intimation to his friends, Ami and Assi, who investigated the matter there and then, and determined to declare the Samaritans as heathens, irrevocably and in every respect. This was perhaps the last resolution arrived at by the Synhedrion. No mention is made of the Nasi in connection with this decree, thus affording a further proof of the insignificance of the authority enjoyed by him, and of the depth to which the Patriarchate had fallen. This disunion had the effect of weakening both Jews and Samaritans. Christianity, shrewder and more active than its parent, Judaism, and more refined and supple than Samaritanism, its sister, gained the empire of the world soon after this rupture, and Jew and Samaritan alike felt its superior power. Golgotha, raised upon the height of the Capitol, pressed with a two-fold burden on Zion and Gerizim.

Notwithstanding the slight respect in which the Patriarchate of Judah III (280–300) was held, a phenomenon makes its appearance for the first time, which betrays indeed the poverty that existed in Palestine, but on the other hand shows the adherence of the Jews to the Patriarchal house of David, the last remnant of their ancient glory. It had always been the custom to announce to such communities as were situated at a distance, the resolutions arrived at by the Synhedrion, and especially the period of the festivals, by means of special messengers (Shaliach Zion, Apostoli). As a rule, men of merit and members of the Synhedrion were chosen to fill this honorable post, for they represented the highest authorities, and were also required to explain and apply the various resolutions. The more the numbers of the Jews in the Holy Land were lessened by revolts and wars, and the greater the part of the country that fell into the hands of the heathen, the more also that extortionate taxes spread poverty far and wide, the greater difficulty the Patriarchs found in defraying the expenses of their office from their own private means. They were obliged to turn to the wealthy communities of other countries to request contributions for their support. Originally, perhaps, these aids constituted a voluntary contribution (aurum coronarium), forwarded by the communities as a proof of allegiance on the occasion of the accession of a Patriarch as prince of the Jews. About this time, however, Judah III found himself obliged to send messengers to raise a regular tax (canon, pensio). Such an envoy was Chiya bar Abba, whom the Patriarch Judah authorized and sent abroad armed with peculiar powers: "We send you an excellent man, who possesses equal authority with ourselves until he return unto us." This same Chiya was, in fact, an excellent man, as poor in means as he was rich in character. It was only on account of grievous necessity that he allowed this post to be conferred on him by the Patriarch, and its acceptance constituted in so far a sacrifice that he was obliged to quit the Holy Land, which he had chosen as his residence in preference to his native country. During a long period he was supported by a rich and charitable family of Tiberias, named Silvani (Beth-Silvani), who furnished him, as a descendant of Aaron, with the tithes of the produce of their property. On a certain occasion, however, Chiya forbade them to commit a deed which another teacher of the Law declared to be lawful; and they, in return, made him feel his dependency on their tithes. Upon this he determined never again to accept tithes from any one, and, in order to avoid temptation, he resolved to quit Judæa.

It is in this Amora that a singular fault may first be remarked, which later on became more general, and produced the most disastrous consequences. Chiya b. Abba, namely, was so absorbed in the study of the oral Law, that in his devotion to it he neglected the reading of the written Law, the Bible. Being once asked why the word "good" does not occur in the first Decalogue, he made reply that he hardly knew if this word really did not occur in that place. Chiya bar Abba was of a gloomy disposition, and in the Halacha he followed the severe tendency which refused even to allow Jewish maidens to acquire the culture of the Greeks, although Jochanan himself had permitted it, and even encouraged it to a certain extent.

It may be noticed, as a sign of the times, that the heads of the schools at Tiberias were not natives of the country, but Babylonians who had emigrated thither from their own land. Ami and Assi occupied the post formerly filled by Jochanan, their master. They delivered their lectures in the peristyles, which certainly dated at least from the period of the Herods. But these buildings, which had been crowded with listeners in Jochanan's time, now testified to the declining importance of the Holy Land. Babylonia was the goal of such of the youth of Judæa as were desirous of studying. Ami and Assi only bore the modest title of "the Judges, or the respected descendants of Aaron in the Holy Land," and of their own accord subordinated themselves to the Babylonian authorities.

Of greater importance and originality was Abbahu of Cæsarea on the Sea, who was a striking contrast to Chiya and Simon, Abba's sons. He was wealthy, kept Gothic slaves, and had ivory seats in his house; his trade was the manufacture of women's veils. He understood Greek perfectly, which was the case with but few of his contemporaries; he frequented the society of educated heathens, and had his daughter taught Greek. He considered the knowledge of this language as an ornament to an educated girl, and supported his opinion by citing Jochanan's permission. The austere Simon bar Abba, who was hostile to all worldly education, reproved this conduct in the following terms; "He attributes this permission to Jochanan, because his daughter is learning Greek." In answer to this attack upon his veracity, Abbahu protested that he had really received this tradition from Jochanan's lips. By reason of his familiarity with contemporary civilization, which many people regarded as sinful, a verse of Ecclesiastes was applied to him: "It is good that thou takest up this (the study of the Halacha) and neglectest not that (the learning of the Greeks), for the pious are able to fulfil all duties." The Greek language was in fact so current among the Jews of Cæsarea, that they even recited the passage of Scripture relative to the unity of God (the Shema) in this tongue.

Abbahu was held in great esteem by the Roman Proconsul, and probably also by the Emperor Diocletian, on account of his profound learning, which was heightened by the charm of a dignified figure and a generous character. By means of this influence with the authorities he was enabled to avert many severe measures. A case of this description affords at the same time an insight into the general state of things at this period. Ami, Assi, and Chiya bar Abba, having once pronounced a severe punishment on a woman named Thamar, who was doubtless guilty of some breach of chastity, were denounced by her to the then Procurator, on a charge of encroaching on the jurisdiction of the Romans. The Jewish judges, fearful for the consequences of this denunciation, besought Abbahu to exert his influence on their behalf. He, however, answered that his efforts had failed to produce any effect, by reason of the existing desire of revenge, perhaps also on account of the beauty of the culprit. His reply was couched in characteristic terms, being so conceived that, at first, the words do not convey their actual meaning. The import of this document was in brief as follows: "I have settled everything as regards the three slanderers – Eutokos, Eumathes, and Talasseus – but I have labored in vain on behalf of the obstinate and refractory Thamar." The language of this letter, which is a model of the style of that period, is for the most part pure Hebrew embellished by a play upon words; the Greek proper names are translated into the approximate Hebrew terms. This style, when handled with skill, invests the Hebrew tongue with an inimitable charm; but it easily degenerates into empty pomp and trifling, which was already in Abbahu's age to some extent the case.

By reason of his extensive acquirements Abbahu was well fitted to engage in polemics against Christianity. During the time of Diocletian, Christianity had strained every nerve to obtain the empire of the world. The Roman legions were in part composed of soldiers who had adopted this religion, and Christianity therefore redoubled its efforts to obtain proselytes. Setting itself up in opposition to Judaism and heathenism, it brought down upon itself severe punishment at the hands of Diocletian and his co-emperor Galerius, on account of its arrogance. The Jews were possessed of intellectual weapons, and these they employed as long as they were permitted their free use. Like Simlaï, Abbahu attacked the Christian dogmas in the most uncompromising manner, and grounded his opposition, according to the manner of the time, upon a verse in the Bible (Numbers xxiii. 19): "If a man say of himself, 'I am God,' he lieth; 'I am the son of man,' he will repent it; 'I go to heaven,' he will not confirm it." The doctrine of the Ascension was especially a disputed point between the teachers of the Church and the synagogue, and its defender in Cæsarea was Jacob the Minæan, a physician by profession. In order to authenticate the Ascension, the Christians brought forward the Agadic tradition, according to which Enoch ascended into heaven without dying: in the words of the Bible, "and he (Enoch) was not, for God took him." They used this ambiguous phrase in support of their opinion. Abbahu, however, proved by parallel verses that, according to the true exegesis, the expression contained in this verse amounted to nothing more than a figure of speech for "to die." In the succeeding generation Abbahu might, perhaps, have paid with his life for his bold truthfulness and his exact interpretation.

Abbahu was one of those modest, gentle, yielding characters who are the less conscious of their own merit in proportion as it is great. When it was proposed to ordain him as Rabbi, he withdrew in favor of Abba of Acco, desiring first to see the distinction conferred upon the latter, who by this promotion would have been able to free himself from the burden of debt with which he was oppressed. Another event brings out yet more strongly evidence of his unassuming disposition. He was once delivering discourses, concurrently with Chiya b. Abba, in a strange town, the subject being treated by the latter according to the Halachic method, while he adopted the more edifying style of the Agada. As was only natural, the popular discourses of Abbahu, being intelligible to all, were better attended than Chiya's lectures, which were more difficult of comprehension. The latter having manifested some irritation at the neglect which fell to the lot of his discourses, Abbahu attempted to console him in the following words: "Thy teaching resembles the most precious stones, of which there are but few good judges; mine, on the contrary, is like tinsel, which delights every one." In order to appease him still further, Abbahu showed his offended companion all possible attention and marks of honor throughout the day; nevertheless, Chiya was unable to forget the slight which he considered had been inflicted on him. This anecdote cannot be regarded as altogether unimportant, proving as it does the decay of serious studies in Judæa at this time. The Halacha, the study of which wrinkled the brow and exercised the mind, no longer found listeners, and was obliged to quit the field before the light-winged Agada. Abbahu was even unwilling to lay any stress upon his modesty. He once exclaimed: "With all my boasted humility, I am still far behind Abba of Acco, for he is not even angry with his expositor (Meturgeman) when the latter dares to make his own additions to the analyses which are whispered to him." A flaw had thus made itself apparent in that method of teaching, which had formerly invested the discourses with so much solemnity and merit. Instead of being merely the organ of the lecturer, the Meturgeman permitted himself to introduce his own views into the expositions. A complaint was made that the interpreters only accepted their office out of conceit, in order to display their fine voice or their flowery language. This condition of things was aptly described in the following verse: "It is better to hear the severity of the wise than the song of fools." From this habit of the interpreters, the lectures degenerated into an empty word jingle.

Abbahu's generous and thoroughly noble views may also be gathered from another characteristic sketch, which at the same time affords a faithful picture of the customs of the period. It was usual on the occasion of a drought, an event of not uncommon occurrence in Judæa, for the most meritorious member of the community to offer up the prescribed prayers for rain. The person who on one occasion was recommended to Abbahu as the most worthy, happened to be a man of the worst fame, known to the wits as the "five sins" (Pentekaka). Being summoned before Abbahu, and questioned by the latter respecting his occupation, he admitted his infamous calling. "I am," said he, "a go-between; I clean out the play-house, carry the clothes to the bathers, divert the bathers with jokes, and play upon the flute." "And hast thou never done a good deed in all thy life?" demanded Abbahu. "One day," said Pentekaka, "when I was cleaning the theater, I saw a woman leaning against a column and weeping. In answer to my inquiry as to the cause of her grief, she told me that her husband was a prisoner, and that there was nothing left for her to do in order to procure his release but to sacrifice her honor. As soon as I heard this," continued Pentekaka, "I sold my bed, my coverlet, everything that I had in the world, gave the proceeds to the woman, and said to her: 'Go, free thy husband without paying the price of sin.'" At these words Abbahu could not contain himself, and exclaimed to Pentekaka, that medley of sublime virtue and vulgar dishonor: "Thou alone art worthy to pray for us in our trouble."

The theater at this period participated in the general immoral tone of the times, and was by no means a nursery of culture or refinement; buffoons diverted the crowd, and Judaism was often laid under contribution to furnish a subject for their coarse jokes. Abbahu, who was acquainted with events which occurred outside the Jewish world, complained of the frivolous manner in which Jewish institutions were held up to ridicule, and cites, among others, the following examples. A camel was brought into the theater in mourning trappings; thereupon ensues the following dialogue: "Why is the camel in mourning?" "Because the Jews, who strictly observe the Sabbatical year, cannot even get herbs to eat, and are obliged to live upon thistles. The camel mourns because its food is thus snatched away." Enter Momus (the buffoon) with his head shaved. "Why does Momus mourn?" "Because oil is dear." "And why is oil so dear?" "Because of the Jews. They consume everything on the Sabbath that they have earned during the week; not even wood enough remains for them to cook their food; they must, therefore, burn their bed, and being without a bed, must sleep upon the ground and wallow in the dust; in order to avoid uncleanliness, they use a great deal of oil, and that is the reason that oil is so dear." Thus had the degenerate Greeks prostituted the art of Aristophanes!

Abbahu also possessed a certain reputation in the study of the Law, but did not rank as an authority; his province was the Agadic exegesis. By reason, however, of his influence in the political world, his colleagues flattered him to excess – fearing to correct him even when he committed errors in teaching. It appears that Cæsarea, where Ushaya the elder had formerly established a temporary school, was now elevated by Abbahu to a par with Tiberias as an academical city, where the greatest Amoraïm of Palestine assembled. The synagogue in Cæsarea, whence had proceeded under Nero the first movement of revolt against the Romans, resulting eventually in the loss of independence to the Jewish state, was perhaps Abbahu's academy, and it appears to have still borne the fatal name of "the Revolution synagogue" (Kenishta di-meradta). In the same way as Simon bar Abba was accustomed to misfortune, Abbahu was attended by good luck, which did not forsake him even in his old age. He had two promising sons, Abimaï and Chanina. The latter was sent by him to Tiberias for the purpose of perfecting his education; but instead of applying himself to study, Chanina spent his time in burying the dead, whereupon his father reprimanded him in a letter which is remarkable for its laconic brevity: "Has Cæsarea, then, no graves, that I should be obliged to send thee for this purpose to Tiberias? Study must precede practical work." Abbahu was the last important personage of Judæa during Talmudical times. For fifteen successive centuries it had given birth to intellectual giants, judges, generals, kings, prophets, poets, soferim, patriots, teachers of the Law. It now ceased to produce, and brought forth no new celebrities into the world. When Abbahu died, says the legend, the statues of Cæsarea wept for him.