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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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It is possible that some savage taboos may still lurk, under various disguises, in the morality of civilised peoples.

It seems not improbable that in our own rules of conduct, in what we call the common decencies of life as well as in the weightier matters of morality, there may survive not a few old savage taboos which, masquerading as an expression of the divine will or draped in the flowing robes of a false philosophy, have maintained their credit long after the crude ideas out of which they sprang have been discarded by the progress of thought and knowledge; while on the other hand many ethical precepts and social laws, which now rest firmly on a solid basis of utility, may at first have drawn some portion of their sanctity from the same ancient system of superstition. For example, we can hardly doubt that in primitive society the crime of murder derived much of its horror from a fear of the angry ghost of the murdered man. Thus superstition may serve as a convenient crutch to morality till she is strong enough to throw away the crutch and walk alone. To judge by the legislation of the Pentateuch the ancient Semites appear to have passed through a course of moral evolution not unlike that which we can still detect in process among the Esquimaux of Baffin Land. Some of the old laws of Israel are clearly savage taboos of a familiar type thinly disguised as commands of the deity. This disguise is indeed a good deal more perfect in Palestine than in Baffin Land, but in substance it is the same. Among the Esquimaux it is the will of Sedna; among the Israelites it is the will of Jehovah.690

But it is time to return to our immediate subject, to wit, the rules of conduct observed by hunters after the slaughter of the game.

Ceremonies observed by the Kayans after killing a panther. Ceremonies of purification observed by African hunters after killing dangerous beasts. Ceremonies observed by Lapp hunters after killing a bear.

When the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo have shot one of the dreaded Bornean panthers, they are very anxious about the safety of their souls, for they think that the soul of a panther is almost more powerful than their own. Hence they step eight times over the carcase of the dead beast reciting the spell, “Panther, thy soul under my soul.” On returning home they smear themselves, their dogs, and their weapons with the blood of fowls in order to calm their souls and hinder them from fleeing away; for being themselves fond of the flesh of fowls they ascribe the same taste to their souls. For eight days afterwards they must bathe by day and by night before going out again to the chase.691 After killing an animal some Indian hunters used to purify themselves in water as a religious rite.692 When a Damara hunter returns from a successful chase he takes water in his mouth and ejects it three times over his feet, and also into the fire on his own hearth.693 Amongst the Caffres of South Africa “the slaughter of a lion, however honourable it is esteemed, is nevertheless associated with an idea of moral uncleanness, and is followed by a very strange ceremony. When the hunters approach the village on their return, the man who gave the lion the first wound is hidden from every eye by the shields which his comrades hold up before him. One of the hunters steps forward and, leaping and bounding in a strange manner, praises the courage of the lion-killer. Then he rejoins the band, and the same performance is repeated by another. All the rest meanwhile keep up a ceaseless shouting, rattling with their clubs on their shields. This goes on till they have reached the village. Then a mean hut is run up not far from the village; and in this hut the lion-killer, because he is unclean, must remain four days, cut off from all association with the tribe. There he dyes his body all over with white paint; and lads who have not yet been circumcised, and are therefore, in respect to uncleanness, in the same state as himself, bring him a calf to eat, and wait upon him. When the four days are over, the unclean man washes himself, paints himself with red paint in the usual manner, and is escorted back to the village by the head chief, attended with a guard of honour. Lastly, a second calf is killed; and, the uncleanness being now at an end, every one is free to eat of the calf with him.”694 Among the Hottentots, when a man has killed a lion, leopard, elephant, or rhinoceros he is esteemed a great hero, but he is deluged with urine by the medicine-man and has to remain at home quite idle for three days, during which his wife may not come near him; she is also enjoined to restrict herself to a poor diet and to eat no more than is barely necessary to keep her in health.695 Similarly the Lapps deem it the height of glory to kill a bear, which they consider the king of beasts. Nevertheless, all the men who take part in the slaughter are regarded as unclean, and must live by themselves for three days in a hut or tent made specially for them, where they cut up and cook the bear's carcase. The reindeer which brought in the carcase on a sledge may not be driven by a woman for a whole year; indeed, according to one account, it may not be used by anybody for that period. Before the men go into the tent where they are to be secluded, they strip themselves of the garments they had worn in killing the bear, and their wives spit the red juice of alder bark in their faces. They enter the tent not by the ordinary door but by an opening at the back. When the bear's flesh has been cooked, a portion of it is sent by the hands of two men to the women, who may not approach the men's tent while the cooking is going on. The men who convey the flesh to the women pretend to be strangers bringing presents from a foreign land; the women keep up the pretence and promise to tie red threads round the legs of the strangers. The bear's flesh may not be passed in to the women through the door of their tent, but must be thrust in at a special opening made by lifting up the hem of the tent-cover. When the three days' seclusion is over and the men are at liberty to return to their wives, they run, one after the other, round the fire, holding the chain by which pots are suspended over it. This is regarded as a form of purification; they may now leave the tent by the ordinary door and rejoin the women. But the leader of the party must still abstain from cohabitation with his wife for two days more.696

 

Expiatory ceremonies performed for the slaughter of serpents.

Again, the Caffres are said to dread greatly the boa-constrictor or an enormous serpent resembling it; “and being influenced by certain superstitious notions they even fear to kill it. The man who happened to put it to death, whether in self-defence or otherwise, was formerly required to lie in a running stream of water during the day for several weeks together; and no beast whatever was allowed to be slaughtered at the hamlet to which he belonged, until this duty had been fully performed. The body of the snake was then taken and carefully buried in a trench, dug close to the cattle-fold, where its remains, like those of a chief, were henceforward kept perfectly undisturbed. The period of penance, as in the case of mourning for the dead, is now happily reduced to a few days.”697 Amongst the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, who worship the python, a native who killed one of these serpents used to be burned alive. But for some time past, though a semblance of carrying out the old penalty is preserved, the culprit is allowed to escape with his life, but he has to pay a heavy fine. A small hut of dry faggots and grass is set up, generally near the lagoon at Whydah, if the crime has been perpetrated there; the guilty man is thrust inside, the door of plaited grass is shut on him, and the hut is set on fire. Sometimes a dog, a kid, and two fowls are enclosed along with him, and he is drenched with palm-oil and yeast, probably to render him the more combustible. As he is unbound, he easily breaks out of the frail hut before the flames consume him; but he has to run the gauntlet of the angry serpent-worshippers, who belabour the murderer of their god with sticks and pelt him with clods until he reaches water and plunges into it, which is supposed to wash away his sin. Thirteen days later a commemoration service is held in honour of the deceased python.698 In Madras it is considered a great sin to kill a cobra. When this has happened, the people generally burn the body of the serpent just as they burn the bodies of human beings. The murderer deems himself polluted for three days. On the second day milk is poured on the remains of the cobra. On the third day the guilty wretch is free from pollution.699 Under native rule, we may suspect, he would not get off so lightly.

All such expiatory rites are based on the respect which the savage feels for the souls of animals.

In these last cases the animal whose slaughter has to be atoned for is sacred, that is, it is one whose life is commonly spared from motives of superstition. Yet the treatment of the sacrilegious slayer seems to resemble so closely the treatment of hunters and fishermen who have killed animals for food in the ordinary course of business, that the ideas on which both sets of customs are based may be assumed to be substantially the same. Those ideas, if I am right, are the respect which the savage feels for the souls of beasts, especially valuable or formidable beasts, and the dread which he entertains of their vengeful ghosts. Some confirmation of this view may be drawn from the ceremonies observed by fishermen of Annam when the carcase of a whale is washed ashore. These fisherfolk, we are told, worship the whale on account of the benefits they derive from it. There is hardly a village on the sea-shore which has not its small pagoda, containing the bones, more or less authentic, of a whale. When a dead whale is washed ashore, the people accord it a solemn burial. The man who first caught sight of it acts as chief mourner, performing the rites which as chief mourner and heir he would perform for a human kinsman. He puts on all the garb of woe, the straw hat, the white robe with long sleeves turned inside out, and the other paraphernalia of full mourning. As next of kin to the deceased he presides over the funeral rites. Perfumes are burned, sticks of incense kindled, leaves of gold and silver scattered, crackers let off. When the flesh has been cut off and the oil extracted, the remains of the carcase are buried in the sand. Afterwards a shed is set up and offerings are made in it. Usually some time after the burial the spirit of the dead whale takes possession of some person in the village and declares by his mouth whether he is a male or a female.700

Chapter V. Tabooed Things

§ 1. The Meaning of Taboo

Taboos of holiness agree with taboos of pollution, because in the savage mind the ideas of holiness and pollution are not yet differentiated.

Thus in primitive society the rules of ceremonial purity observed by divine kings, chiefs, and priests agree in many respects with the rules observed by homicides, mourners, women in childbed, girls at puberty, hunters and fishermen, and so on. To us these various classes of persons appear to differ totally in character and condition; some of them we should call holy, others we might pronounce unclean and polluted. But the savage makes no such moral distinction between them; the conceptions of holiness and pollution are not yet differentiated in his mind. To him the common feature of all these persons is that they are dangerous and in danger, and the danger in which they stand and to which they expose others is what we should call spiritual or ghostly, and therefore imaginary. The danger, however, is not less real because it is imaginary; imagination acts upon man as really as does gravitation, and may kill him as certainly as a dose of prussic acid. To seclude these persons from the rest of the world so that the dreaded spiritual danger shall neither reach them, nor spread from them, is the object of the taboos which they have to observe. These taboos act, so to say, as electrical insulators to preserve the spiritual force with which these persons are charged from suffering or inflicting harm by contact with the outer world.701

To the illustrations of these general principles which have been already given I shall now add some more, drawing my examples, first, from the class of tabooed things, and, second, from the class of tabooed words; for in the opinion of the savage both things and words may, like persons, be charged or electrified, either temporarily or permanently, with the mysterious virtue of taboo, and may therefore require to be banished for a longer or shorter time from the familiar usage of common life. And the examples will be chosen with special reference to those sacred chiefs, kings and priests, who, more than anybody else, live fenced about by taboo as by a wall. Tabooed things will be illustrated in the present chapter, and tabooed words in the next.

§ 2. Iron tabooed

Kings may not be touched. The use of iron forbidden to kings and priests. Use of iron forbidden at circumcision, childbirth, and so forth. Use of iron forbidden at certain times and places among the Esquimaux. Use of iron forbidden on certain occasions among the Highlanders of Scotland. Iron not used in building sacred edifices.

 

In the first place we may observe that the awful sanctity of kings naturally leads to a prohibition to touch their sacred persons. Thus it was unlawful to lay hands on the person of a Spartan king;702 no one might touch the body of the king or queen of Tahiti;703 it is forbidden to touch the person of the king of Siam under pain of death;704 and no one may touch the king of Cambodia, for any purpose whatever, without his express command. In July 1874 the king was thrown from his carriage and lay insensible on the ground, but not one of his suite dared to touch him; a European coming to the spot carried the injured monarch to his palace.705 Formerly no one might touch the king of Corea; and if he deigned to touch a subject, the spot touched became sacred, and the person thus honoured had to wear a visible mark (generally a cord of red silk) for the rest of his life. Above all, no iron might touch the king's body. In 1800 King Tieng-tsong-tai-oang died of a tumour in the back, no one dreaming of employing the lancet, which would probably have saved his life. It is said that one king suffered terribly from an abscess in the lip, till his physician called in a jester, whose pranks made the king laugh heartily, and so the abscess burst.706 Roman and Sabine priests might not be shaved with iron but only with bronze razors or shears;707 and whenever an iron graving-tool was brought into the sacred grove of the Arval Brothers at Rome for the purpose of cutting an inscription in stone, an expiatory sacrifice of a lamb and a pig must be offered, which was repeated when the graving-tool was removed from the grove.708 As a general rule iron might not be brought into Greek sanctuaries.709 In Crete sacrifices were offered to Menedemus without the use of iron, because the legend ran that Menedemus had been killed by an iron weapon in the Trojan war.710 The Archon of Plataea might not touch iron; but once a year, at the annual commemoration of the men who fell at the battle of Plataea, he was allowed to carry a sword wherewith to sacrifice a bull.711 To this day a Hottentot priest never uses an iron knife, but always a sharp splint of quartz, in sacrificing an animal or circumcising a lad.712 Among the Ovambo of south-west Africa custom requires that lads should be circumcised with a sharp flint; if none is to hand, the operation may be performed with iron, but the iron must afterwards be buried.713 The Antandroy and Tanala of Madagascar cut the navel-strings of their children with sharp wood or with a thread, but never with an iron knife.714 In Uap, one of the Caroline Islands, wood of the hibiscus tree, which was used to make the fire-drill, must be cut with shell knives or shell axes, never with iron or steel.715 Amongst the Moquis of Arizona stone knives, hatchets, and so on have passed out of common use, but are retained in religious ceremonies.716 After the Pawnees had ceased to use stone arrow-heads for ordinary purposes, they still employed them to slay the sacrifices, whether human captives or buffalo and deer.717 We have seen that among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait the use of iron implements is forbidden for four days after the slaughter of a white whale, and that the use of an iron axe at a place where salmon are being dressed is believed by these people to be a fatal imprudence.718 They hold a festival in the assembly-house of the village, while the bladders of the slain beasts are hanging there, and during its celebration no wood may be cut with an iron axe. If it is necessary to split firewood, this may be done with wedges of bone.719 At Kushunuk, near Cape Vancouver, it happened that Mr. Nelson and his party entered an assembly-house of these Esquimaux while the festival of the bladders was in progress. “When our camping outfit was brought in from the sledges, two men took drums, and as the clothing and goods of the traders who were with me were brought in, the drums were beaten softly and a song was sung in a low, humming tone, but when our guns and some steel traps were brought in, with other articles of iron, the drums were beaten loudly and the songs raised in proportion. This was done that the shades of the animals present in the bladders might not be frightened.”720 The Esquimaux on the western coast of Hudson Bay may not work on iron during the season for hunting musk-oxen, which falls in March. And no such work may be done by them until the seals have their pups.721 Negroes of the Gold Coast remove all iron or steel from their person when they consult their fetish.722 The men who made the need-fire in Scotland had to divest themselves of all metal.723 There was hardly any belief, we are told, that had a stronger hold on the mind of a Scottish Highlander than that on no account whatever should iron be put in the ground on Good Friday. Hence no grave was dug and no field ploughed on that day. It has been suggested that the belief was based on that rooted aversion to iron which fairies are known to feel. These touchy beings live underground, and might resent having the roof pulled from over their heads on the hallowed day.724 Again, in the Highlands of Scotland the shoulder-blades of sheep are employed in divination, being consulted as to future marriages, births, deaths, and funerals; but the forecasts thus made will not be accurate unless the flesh has been removed from the bones without the use of any iron.725 In making the clavie (a kind of Yule-tide fire-wheel) at Burghead, no hammer may be used; the hammering must be done with a stone.726 Amongst the Jews no iron tool was used in building the Temple at Jerusalem or in making an altar.727 The old wooden bridge (Pons Sublicius) at Rome, which was considered sacred, was made and had to be kept in repair without the use of iron or bronze.728 It was expressly provided by law that the temple of Jupiter Liber at Furfo might be repaired with iron tools.729 The council chamber at Cyzicus was constructed of wood without any iron nails, the beams being so arranged that they could be taken out and replaced.730 The late Rajah Vijyanagram, a member of the Viceroy's Council, and described as one of the most enlightened and estimable of Hindoo princes, would not allow iron to be used in the construction of buildings within his territory, believing that its use would inevitably be followed by small-pox and other epidemics.731

Everything new excites the awe and fear of the savage.

This superstitious objection to iron perhaps dates from that early time in the history of society when iron was still a novelty, and as such was viewed by many with suspicion and dislike.732 For everything new is apt to excite the awe and dread of the savage. “It is a curious superstition,” says a pioneer in Borneo, “this of the Dusuns, to attribute anything – whether good or bad, lucky or unlucky – that happens to them to something novel which has arrived in their country. For instance, my living in Kindram has caused the intensely hot weather we have experienced of late.”733 Some years ago a harmless naturalist was collecting plants among the high forest-clad mountains on the borders of China and Tibet. From the summit of a pass he gazed with delight down a long valley which, stretching away as far as eye could reach to the south, resembled a sea of bloom, for everywhere the forest was ablaze with the gorgeous hues of the rhododendron and azalea in flower. In this earthly paradise the votary of science hastened to install himself beside a lake. But hardly had he done so when, alas! the weather changed. Though the season was early June, the cold became intense, snow fell heavily, and the bloom of the rhododendrons was cut off. The inhabitants of a neighbouring village at once set down the unusual severity of the weather to the presence of a stranger in the forest; and a round-robin, signed by them unanimously, was forwarded to the nearest mandarin, setting forth that the snow which had blocked the road, and the hail which was blasting their crops, were alike caused by the intruder, and that all sorts of disturbances would follow if he were allowed to remain. In these circumstances the naturalist, who had intended to spend most of the summer among the mountains, was forced to decamp. “Collecting in this country,” he adds pathetically, “is not an easy matter.”734 The unusually heavy rains which happened to follow the English survey of the Nicobar Islands in the winter of 1886-1887 were imputed by the alarmed natives to the wrath of the spirits at the theodolites, dumpy-levellers, and other strange instruments which had been set up in so many of their favourite haunts; and some of them proposed to soothe the anger of the spirits by sacrificing a pig.735 When the German Hans Stade was a captive in a cannibal tribe of Brazilian Indians, it happened that, shortly before a prisoner was to be eaten, a great wind arose and blew away part of the roofs of the huts. The savages were angry with Stade, and said he had made the wind to come by looking into his thunder-skins, by which they meant a book he had been reading, in order to save the prisoner, who was a friend of his, from their stomachs. So the pious German prayed to God, and God mercifully heard his prayer; for next morning the weather was beautifully fine, and his friend was butchered, carved, and eaten in the most perfect comfort.736 According to the Orotchis of eastern Siberia, misfortunes have multiplied on them with the coming of Europeans; “they even go so far as to lay the appearance of new phenomena like thunder at the door of the Russians.”737 In the seventeenth century a succession of bad seasons excited a revolt among the Esthonian peasantry, who traced the origin of the evil to a water-mill, which put a stream to some inconvenience by checking its flow.738 The first introduction of iron ploughshares into Poland having been followed by a succession of bad harvests, the farmers attributed the badness of the crops to the iron ploughshares, and discarded them for the old wooden ones.739 To this day the primitive Baduwis of Java, who live chiefly by husbandry, will use no iron tools in tilling their fields.740

The dislike of spirits to iron allows men to use the metal as a weapon against them. Iron used as a charm against fairies in the Highlands of Scotland. Iron used as a protective charm by Scotch fishermen and others. Iron used as a protective charm against devils and ghosts in India, Annam. Africa, and Scotland.

The general dislike of innovation, which always makes itself strongly felt in the sphere of religion, is sufficient by itself to account for the superstitious aversion to iron entertained by kings and priests and attributed by them to the gods; possibly this aversion may have been intensified in places by some such accidental cause as the series of bad seasons which cast discredit on iron ploughshares in Poland. But the disfavour in which iron is held by the gods and their ministers has another side. Their antipathy to the metal furnishes men with a weapon which may be turned against the spirits when occasion serves. As their dislike of iron is supposed to be so great that they will not approach persons and things protected by the obnoxious metal, iron may obviously be employed as a charm for banning ghosts and other dangerous spirits. And often it is so used. Thus in the Highlands of Scotland the great safeguard against the elfin race is iron, or, better yet, steel. The metal in any form, whether as a sword, a knife, a gun-barrel, or what not, is all-powerful for this purpose. Whenever you enter a fairy dwelling you should always remember to stick a piece of steel, such as a knife, a needle, or a fish-hook, in the door; for then the elves will not be able to shut the door till you come out again. So too when you have shot a deer and are bringing it home at night, be sure to thrust a knife into the carcase, for that keeps the fairies from laying their weight on it. A knife or a nail in your pocket is quite enough to prevent the fairies from lifting you up at night. Nails in the front of a bed ward off elves from women “in the straw” and from their babes; but to make quite sure it is better to put the smoothing-iron under the bed, and the reaping-hook in the window. If a bull has fallen over a rock and been killed, a nail stuck into it will preserve the flesh from the fairies. Music discoursed on that melodious instrument, a Jew's harp, keeps the elfin women away from the hunter, because the tongue of the instrument is of steel.741 Again, when Scotch fishermen were at sea, and one of them happened to take the name of God in vain, the first man who heard him called out “Cauld airn,” at which every man of the crew grasped the nearest bit of iron and held it between his hands for a while.742 So too when he hears the unlucky word “pig” mentioned, a Scotch fisherman will feel for the nails in his boots and mutter “Cauld airn.”743 The same magic words are even whispered in the churches of Scotch fishing-villages when the clergyman reads the passage about the Gadarene swine.744 In Morocco iron is considered a great protection against demons; hence it is usual to place a knife or dagger under a sick man's pillow.745 The Singhalese believe that they are constantly surrounded by evil spirits, who lie in wait to do them harm. A peasant would not dare to carry good food, such as cakes or roast meat, from one place to another without putting an iron nail on it to prevent a demon from taking possession of the viands and so making the eater ill. No sick person, whether man or woman, would venture out of the house without a bunch of keys or a knife in his hand, for without such a talisman he would fear that some devil might take advantage of his weak state to slip into his body. And if a man has a large sore on his body he tries to keep a morsel of iron on it as a protection against demons.746 The inhabitants of Salsette, an island near Bombay, dread a spirit called gîrâ, which plays many pranks with a solitary traveller, leading him astray, lowering him into an empty well, and so on. But a gîrâ dare not touch a person who has on him anything made of iron or steel, particularly a knife or a nail, of which the spirit stands in great fear. Nor will he meddle with a woman, especially a married woman, because he is afraid of her bangles.747 Among the Majhwâr, an aboriginal tribe in the hill country of South Mirzapur, an iron implement such as a sickle or a betel-cutter is constantly kept near an infant's head during its first year for the purpose of warding off the attacks of ghosts.748 Among the Maravars, an aboriginal race of southern India, a knife or other iron object lies beside a woman after childbirth to keep off the devil.749 When a Mala woman is in labour, a sickle and some nïm leaves are always kept on the cot. In Malabar people who have to pass by burning-grounds or other haunted places commonly carry with them iron in some form, such as a knife or an iron rod used as a walking-stick. When pregnant women go on a journey, they carry with them a few twigs or leaves of the nïm tree, or iron in some shape, to scare evil spirits lurking in groves or burial-grounds which they may pass.750 In Bilaspore people attribute cholera to a goddess who visits the afflicted family. But they think that she may be kept off by iron; hence during an epidemic of cholera people go about with axes or sickles in their hands. “Their horses are not shod, otherwise they might possibly nail horse-shoes to the door, but their belief is more primitive; for with them iron does not bring good luck, but it scares away the evil spirits, so when a man has had an epileptic fit he will wear an iron bracelet to keep away the evil spirit which was supposed to have possessed him.”751 The Annamites imagine that a new-born child is exposed to the attacks of evil spirits. To protect the infant from these malignant beings the parents sometimes sell the child to the village smith, who makes a small ring or circlet of iron and puts it on the child's foot, commonly adding a little chain of iron. When the infant has been sold to the smith and firmly attached to him by the chain, the demons no longer have any power over him. After the child has grown big and the danger is over, the parents ask the smith to break the iron ring and thank him for his services. No metal but iron will serve the purpose.752 On the Slave Coast of Africa when a mother sees her child gradually wasting away, she concludes that a demon has entered into the child and takes her measures accordingly. To lure the demon out of the body of her offspring, she offers a sacrifice of food; and while the devil is bolting it, she attaches iron rings and small bells to her child's ankles and hangs iron chains round his neck. The jingling of the iron and the tinkling of the bells are supposed to prevent the demon, when he has concluded his repast, from entering again into the body of the little sufferer. Hence many children may be seen in this part of Africa weighed down with iron ornaments.753 The use of iron as a means to exorcise demons was forbidden by the Coptic church.754 In India “the mourner who performs the ceremony of putting fire into the dead person's mouth carries with him a piece of iron: it may be a key or a knife, or a simple piece of iron, and during the whole time of his separation (for he is unclean for a certain time, and no one will either touch him or eat or drink with him, neither can he change his clothes755) he carries the piece of iron about with him to keep off the evil spirit. In Calcutta the Bengali clerks in the Government Offices used to wear a small key on one of their fingers when they had been chief mourners.”756 When a woman dies in childbed in the island of Salsette, they put a nail or other piece of iron in the folds of her dress; this is done especially if the child survives her. The intention plainly is to prevent her spirit from coming back; for they believe that a dead mother haunts the house and seeks to carry away her child.757 In the north-east of Scotland immediately after a death had taken place, a piece of iron, such as a nail or a knitting-wire, used to be stuck into all the meal, butter, cheese, flesh, and whisky in the house, “to prevent death from entering them.” The neglect of this salutary precaution is said to have been closely followed by the corruption of the food and drink; the whisky has been known to become as white as milk.758 When iron is used as a protective charm after a death, as in these Hindoo and Scotch customs, the spirit against which it is directed is the ghost of the deceased.759

690The similarity of some of the Mosaic laws to savage customs has struck most Europeans who have acquired an intimate knowledge of the savage and his ways. They have often explained the coincidences as due to a primitive revelation or to the dispersion of the Jews into all parts of the earth. Some examples of these coincidences were cited in my article “Taboo,” Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 xxiii. 17. The subject has since been handled, with consummate ability and learning, by my lamented friend W. Robertson Smith in his Religion of the Semites (New Edition, London, 1894). In Psyche's Task I have illustrated by examples the influence of superstition on the growth of morality.
691A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, i. 106 sq.
692J. Adair, History of the American Indians, p. 118.
693C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 224.
694L. Alberti, De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van Afrika (Amsterdam, 1810), pp. 158 sq. Compare H. Lichtenstein, Reisen im südlichen Africa (Berlin, 1811-12), i. 419. These accounts were written about a century ago. The custom may since have become obsolete. A similar remark applies to other customs described in this and the following paragraph.
695P. Kolbe, Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, I.2 (London, 1738) pp. 251-255. The reason alleged for the custom is to allow the slayer to recruit his strength. But the reason is clearly inadequate as an explanation of this and similar practices.
696J. Scheffer, Lapponia (Frankfort, 1673), pp. 234-243; C. Leemius, De Lapponibus Finmarchiae eorumque lingua, vita et religione pristina commentatio (Copenhagen, 1767), pp. 502 sq.; E. J. Jessen, De Finnorum Lapponumque Nouvegicorum religione pagana tractatus singularis, pp. 64 sq. (bound up with Leemius's work).
697S. Kay, Travels and Researches in Caffraria (London, 1833), pp. 341 sq.
698J. Duncan, Travels in Western Africa (London, 1847), i. 195 sq.; F. E. Forbes, Dahomey and the Dahomans (London, 1851), i. 107; P. Bouche, La Côte des Esclaves (Paris, 1885), p. 397; A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 58 sq.
699Indian Antiquary, xxi. (1892) p. 224. Many of the above examples of expiation exacted for the slaughter of animals have already been cited by me in a note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7, where I suggested that the legendary purification of Apollo for the slaughter of the python at Delphi (Plutarch, Quaest. Graec., 12; id., De defectu oraculorum, 15; Aelian, Var. Hist. iii. 1) may be a reminiscence of a custom of this sort.
700Le R. P. Cadière, “Croyances et dictons populaires de la Vallée du Nguôn-son, Province de Quang-binh (Annam),” Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême Orient, i. (1901) pp. 183 sq.
701On the nature of taboo see my article “Taboo” in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th edition, vol. xxiii. (1888) pp. 15 sqq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites2 (London, 1894), pp. 148 sqq., 446 sqq. Some languages have retained a word for that general idea which includes under it the notions which we now distinguish as sanctity and pollution. The word in Latin is sacer, in Greek, ἅγιος. In Polynesian it is tabu (Tongan), tapu (Samoan, Tahitian, Marquesan, Maori, etc.), or kapu (Hawaiian). See E. Tregear, Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary (Wellington, N.Z., 1891), s. v. tapu. In Dacotan the word is wakan, which in Riggs's Dakota-English Dictionary (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. vii., Washington, 1890, pp. 507 sq.) is defined as “spiritual, sacred, consecrated; wonderful, incomprehensible; said also of women at the menstrual period.” Another writer in the same dictionary defines wakan more fully as follows: “Mysterious; incomprehensible; in a peculiar state, which, from not being understood, it is dangerous to meddle with; hence the application of this word to women at the menstrual period, and from hence, too, arises the feeling among the wilder Indians, that if the Bible, the church, the missionary, etc., are ‘wakan,’ they are to be avoided, or shunned, not as being bad or dangerous, but as wakan. The word seems to be the only one suitable for holy, sacred, etc., but the common acceptation of it, given above, makes it quite misleading to the heathen.” On the notion designated by wakan, see also G. H. Pond, “Dakota Superstitions,” Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society for the year 1867 (Saint Paul, 1867), p. 33; J. Owen Dorsey, in Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1894), pp. 366 sq. It is characteristic of the equivocal notion denoted by these terms that, whereas the condition of women in childbed is commonly regarded by the savage as what we should call unclean, among the Herero the same condition is described as holy; for some time after the birth of her child, the woman is secluded in a hut made specially for her, and every morning the milk of all the cows is brought to her that she may consecrate it by touching it with her mouth. See H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, p. 167. Again, whereas a girl at puberty is commonly secluded as dangerous, among the Warundi of eastern Africa she is led by her grandmother all over the house and obliged to touch everything (O. Baumann, Durch Massailand sur Nilquelle (Berlin, 1894), p. 221), as if her touch imparted a blessing instead of a curse.
702Plutarch, Agis, 19.
703W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches,2 iii. 102.
704E. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, ii. (Paris, 1901) p. 25.
705J. Moura, Le Royaume du Cambodge (Paris, 1883), i. 226.
706Ch. Dallet, Histoire de l'Église de Corée (Paris, 1874), i. pp. xxiv. sq.; W. E. Griffis, Corea, the Hermit Nation (London, 1882), p. 219. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, Problems of the Far East (Westminster, 1896), pp. 154 sq. note).
707Macrobius, Sat. v. 19. 13; Servius on Virgil, Aen. i. 448; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, i. 31. We have already seen (p. ) that the hair of the Flamen Dialis might only be cut with a bronze knife. The Greeks attributed a certain cleansing virtue to bronze; hence they employed it in expiatory rites, at eclipses, etc. See the Scholiast on Theocritus, ii. 36.
708Acta Fratrum Arvalium, ed. G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 128-135; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 (Das Sacralwesen) pp. 459 sq.
709Plutarch, Praecepta gerendae reipublicae, xxvi. 7. Plutarch here mentions that gold was also excluded from some temples. At first sight this is surprising, for in general neither the gods nor their ministers have displayed any marked aversion to gold. But a little enquiry suffices to clear up the mystery and set the scruple in its proper light. From a Greek inscription discovered some years ago we learn that no person might enter the sanctuary of the Mistress at Lycosura wearing golden trinkets, unless for the purpose of dedicating them to the goddess; and if any one did enter the holy place with such ornaments on his body but no such pious intention in his mind, the trinkets were forfeited to the use of religion. See Ἐφημερὶς ἀρχαιολογική (Athens, 1898), col. 249; Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 939. The similar rule, that in the procession at the mysteries of Andania no woman might wear golden ornaments (Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 653), was probably subject to a similar exception and enforced by a similar penalty. Once more, if the maidens who served Athena on the Acropolis at Athens put on gold ornaments, the ornaments became sacred, in other words, the property of the goddess (Harpocration, s. v. ἀρρηφορεῖν, vol. i. p. 59, ed. Dindorf). Thus it appears that the pious scruple about gold was concerned rather with its exit from, than with its entrance into, the sacred edifice. At the sacrifice to the Sun in ancient Egypt worshippers were forbidden to wear golden trinkets and to give hay to an ass (Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 30) – a singular combination of religious precepts. In India gold and silver are common totems, and members of such clans are forbidden to wear gold and silver trinkets respectively. See Totemism and Exogamy, iv. 24.
710Callimachus, referred to by the Old Scholiast on Ovid, Ibis. See Callimachea, ed. O. Schneider, ii. p. 282, Frag. 100a E.; Chr. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 686.
711Plutarch, Aristides, 21. This passage was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse.
712Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi (London, 1881), p. 22.
713Dr. P. H. Brincker, “Charakter, Sitten und Gebräuche speciell der Bantu Deutsch-Südwestafrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 80.
714A. van Gennep, Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), p. 38.
715W. H. Furness, The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines (Philadelphia and London, 1910), p. 151.
716J. G. Bourke, The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona (New York, 1891), pp. 178 sq.
717G. B. Grinnell, Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-tales (New York, 1889), p. 253.
718See above, pp. sq.
719E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I. (Washington, 1899) p. 392.
720E. W. Nelson, op. cit. p. 383.
721Fr. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, xv. Part I. (1901) p. 149.
722C. F. Gordon Cumming, In the Hebrides (ed. 1883), p. 195.
723James Logan, The Scottish Gael (ed. Alex. Stewart), ii. 68 sq.
724J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 262, 298, 299.
725R. C. Maclagan, M.D., “Notes on Folklore Objects from Argyleshire,” Folk-lore, vi. (1895) p. 157; J. G. Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 263-266. The shoulder-blades of sheep have been used in divination by many peoples, for example by the Corsicans, South Slavs, Tartars, Kirghiz, Calmucks, Chukchees, and Lolos, as well as by the Scotch. See J. Brand, Popular Antiquities, iii. 339 sq. (Bohn's ed.); Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), Origin of Civilisation,4 pp. 237 sq.; Ch. Rogers, Social Life in Scotland, iii. 224; Camden, Britannia, translated by E. Gibson (London, 1695), col. 1046; M. MacPhail, “Traditions, Customs, and Superstitions of the Lewis,” Folk-lore, vi. (1895) p. 167; J. G. Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, pp. 515 sqq.; F. Gregorovius, Corsica, (London, 1855), p. 187; F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven, pp. 166-170; M. E. Durham, High Albania (London, 1909), pp. 104 sqq.; E. Doutté, Magie et religion dans l'Afrique du Nord (Algiers, 1908), p. 371; W. Radloff, Proben der Volksliteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Sibiriens, iii. 115, note 1, compare p. 132; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 ii. 932; W. W. Rockhill, The Land of the Lamas (London, 1891), pp. 176, 341-344; P. S. Pallas, Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs, i. 393; J. G. Georgi, Beschreibung aller Nationen des russischen Reichs, p. 223; T. de Pauly, Description ethnographique des peuples de la Russie, peuples de la Sibérie orientale (St. Petersburg, 1862), p. 7; Krahmer, “Der Anadyr-Bezirk nach A. W. Olssufjew,” Petermann's Mittheilungen, xlv. (1899) pp. 230 sq.; W. Bogoras, “The Chuckchee Religion,” Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vii. part ii. (Leyden and New York) pp. 487 sqq.; Crabouillet, “Les Lolos,” Missions Catholiques, v. (1873) p. 72; W. G. Aston, Shinto, p. 339; R. Andree, “Scapulimantia,” in Boas Anniversary Volume (New York, 1906), pp. 143-165.
726C. F. Gordon Cumming, In the Hebrides, p. 226; E. J. Guthrie, Old Scottish Customs (London and Glasgow, 1885), p. 223.
7271 Kings vi. 7; Exodus xx. 25.
728Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. iii. 45, v. 24; Plutarch, Numa, 9; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvi. 100.
729Acta Fratrum Arvalium, ed. G. Henzen, p. 132; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i. No. 603.
730Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvi. 100.
731Indian Antiquary, x. (1881) p. 364.
732Prof. W. Ridgeway ingeniously suggests that the magical virtue of iron may be based on an observation of its magnetic power, which would lead savages to imagine that it was possessed of a spirit. See Report of the British Association for 1903, p. 816.
733Frank Hatton, North Borneo (1886), p. 233.
734A. E. Pratt, “Two Journeys to Ta-tsien-lu on the eastern Borders of Tibet,” Proceedings of the R. Geographical Society, xiii. (1891) p. 341.
735W. Svoboda, “Die Bewohner des Nikobaren-Archipels,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, vi. (1893) p. 13.
736The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, in a. d. 1547-1555, translated by A. Tootal (London, 1874), pp. 85 sq.
737E. H. Fraser, “The Fish-skin Tartars,” Journal of the China Branch of the R. Asiatic Society for the Year 1891-92, N.S. xxvi. p. 15.
738Fr. Kreutzwald und H. Neus, Mythische und magische Lieder der Ehsten (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 113.
739Alexand. Guagninus, “De ducatu Samogitiae,” in Respublica sive status regni Poloniae, Lituaniae, Prussiae, Livoniae, etc. (Elzevir, 1627) p. 276; Johan. Lasicius, “De diis Samogitarum caeterorumque Sarmatum,” in Respublica, etc. (ut supra), p. 294 (p. 84, ed. W. Mannhardt, in Magazin herausgegeben von der Lettisch – Literärischen Gesellschaft, vol. xiv.).
740L. von Ende, “Die Baduwis von Java,” Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xix. (1889) p. 10.
741J. G. Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 46 sq.
742E. J. Guthrie, Old Scottish Customs, p. 149; Ch. Rogers, Social Life in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1884-1886), iii. 218.
743J. Macdonald, Religion and Myth, p. 91.
744W. Gregor, Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland (London, 1881), p. 201. The fishermen think that if the word “pig,” “sow,” or “swine” be uttered while the lines are being baited, the line will certainly be lost.
745A. Leared, Morocco and the Moors (London, 1876), p. 273.
746Wickremasinghe, in Am Urquell, v. (1894) p. 7.
747G. F. D'Penha, “Superstitions and Customs in Salsette,” Indian Antiquary, xxviii. (1899) p. 114.
748W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, iii. 431.
749F. Jagor, “Bericht über verschiedene Volksstämme in Vorderindien,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxvi. (1894) p. 70.
750E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), p. 341.
751E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales (London, 1908), p. 31.
752L. R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So'n,” Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, ii. (1902) pp. 354 sq.
753Baudin, “Le Fétichisme,” Missions Catholiques, xvi. (1884) p. 249; A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 113.
754Il Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e civile di Abissinia, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome, 1899), p. 140.
755The reader may observe how closely the taboos laid upon mourners resemble those laid upon kings. From what has gone before, the reason of the resemblance is obvious.
756Panjab Notes and Queries, iii. p. 61, § 282.
757G. F. D'Penha, “Superstitions and Customs in Salsette,” Indian Antiquary, xxviii. (1899) p. 115.
758W. Gregor, Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland, p. 206.
759This is expressly said in Panjab Notes and Queries, iii. p. 202, § 846. On iron as a protective charm see also F. Liebrecht, Gervasius von Tilbury, pp. 99 sqq.; id., Zur Volkskunde, p. 311; L. Strackerjan, Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg, i. pp. 354 sq. § 233; A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube,2 § 414 sq.; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,2 i. 140; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 132 note. Many peoples, especially in Africa, regard the smith's craft with awe or fear as something uncanny and savouring of magic. Hence smiths are sometimes held in high honour, sometimes looked down upon with great contempt. These feelings probably spring in large measure from the superstitions which cluster round iron. See R. Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, pp. 153-159; G. McCall Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. 447; O. Lenz, Skizzen aus West-Afrika (Berlin, 1878), p. 184; A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, ii. 217; M. Merkel, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), pp. 110 sq.; A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), pp. 330 sq.; id., The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 36 sq.; J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), p. 776; E. Doutté, Magie et religion dans l'Afrique du Nord, pp. 40 sqq.; Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1896), p. 30; id., Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1893), p. 202; Th. Levebvre, Voyage en Abyssinie, i. p. lxi.; A. Cecchi, Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, i. (Rome, 1886) p. 45; M. Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia2 (London, 1868), pp. 300 sq.; J. T. Bent, Sacred City of the Ethiopians (London, 1893), p. 212; G. Rohlf, “Reise durch Nord-Afrika,” Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 25 (Gotha, 1868), pp. 30, 54; G. Nachtigal, “Die Tibbu,” Zeitschrift für Erdkunde zu Berlin, v. (1870) pp. 312 sq.; id., Sahara und Sudan, i. 443 sq., ii. 145, 178, 371, iii. 189, 234 sq. The Kayans of Borneo think that a smith is inspired by a special spirit, the smith's spirit, and that without this inspiration he could do no good work. See A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, ii. 198.