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The Lyon in Mourning, Vol. 1

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The Duke of Cumberland formed his line at a great distance, and marched in battle-order till he came within canon shot, where he halted and placed his canon in different places, at some distance in his front, which outwinged the Prince's both to the right and left without his cavalry, which were mostly on the left, some few excepted that were sent to cover the right. As soon as the Duke's canon were placed, he began canonading, which was answered by the Prince's, who rode along the lines to encourage his men, and posted himself in the most convenient place (here one of his servants was killed by his side) to see [fol. 665.] what pass'd, not doubting but the Duke would begin the attack, as he had both the wind and weather on his back, snow and hail falling very thick at the same time.

Here it is to be observed that neither those that had been with the Earl of Cromarty (he, with his son and some of his officers being only made prisoners, his men having marched on before), nor the MacPhersons, nor between two and three thousand men that had been on the field the day before, were come up. Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, and the Duke's canon playing with great execution,382 Lord George Murray, who commanded the right,383 sent Colonel Ker to the Prince to know if he should begin the attack, which the Prince accordingly ordered. As the right was farther advanced than the left, Colonel Ker went to the left and ordered the Duke of Perth, who commanded there, to begin the attack, and rode [fol. 666.] along the line till he came to the right, where Lord George was, who attacked at the head of the Athol men (who had the right of the army that day) with all the bravery imaginable, as did indeed the whole line, breaking the Duke's line in several places, and making themselves masters of two pieces of the enemy's canon. Though they were both fronted and flanked by them, they, notwithstanding, marched up under a close firing from right to left to the very points of their bayonets, which they could not see for the smoak till they were upon them.

At the beginning of the attack the Campbells384 threw down a great deal of the wall of the inclosure for the dragoons on the Duke's left to pass to the rear of the Prince's army, which they were suffered to do without receiving one shot from the two battalions that were placed to observe their motions. This being observed, and the constant fire kept up by the Duke's foot in the front, put the Prince's people in disorder and [fol. 667.] rendered the defeat of his army compleat.

The Prince retired in good order with some few of his men, and crossed the Water of Nairn at the ford on the highway between Inverness and Corryburgh, without being pursued by the enemy, where he parted with them, taking only a few of FitzJames's horse and some gentlemen along with him up that river, the rest taking the highway to Ruthven of Badenoch, where they stayed some days expecting an answer to a letter that was sent to the Prince; but it not coming in the time expected, they all separated, every one to do the best he could for himself. Most of the clans had gone from the field of battle towards their respective countries.

The publick has been no ways favourable to Lord George Murray,385 but if they had been witnesses of his zeal and activity from the time he joined in that affair to the last of it, his exposing his person wherever an occasion offered, and in particular [fol. 668.] at the battle of Culloden, where he went on with the first and came not off till the last, they would have done him more justice. And whatever sentiments they have been pleased to say the Prince had of him, they are hardly to be credited, and for this reason; because when, after the battle, Colonel Ker went to acquaint the Prince how affairs were going, his highness enquired particularly about Lord George Murray, and, being told that he had been thrown from his horse in the time of the action, but was no way hurt, the Prince, in presence of all that were there, desired Colonel Ker to find him out and [fol. 669.] take particular care of him, which it is to be presumed he would not have done if he had had the least suspicion of what has been laid to his charge by his enemies.

N.B.– The above faithfully taken from a copy transcribed from another copy, which other copy was transcribed from Colonel Ker's own handwriting. As Colonel Ker has an excellent good character, and is acknowledged on all hands to be a gentleman of strict veracity and honour, so his account of things justly merits a place in the esteem of every lover of truth. He was taken prisoner (if I rightly remember) somewhere in the shire of Angus, about the beginning of May 1746 (see Scots Magazine for said year, page 238), and was found guilty, November 6th, 1746 (see Scots Magazine for said year, page 529), and accordingly was condemned upon November 15th of said year (see page 530 of the foresaid magazine). He is under a reprieve, and continues still to be a prisoner in a messenger's house by the interest of the Prussian ambassador, who did much good in that way.

Robert Forbes, A.M.

Copy of Captain O'Neille's Journal, taken from a copy attested by his name subscribed with his own hand. 386

[fol. 670.] Having heard and seen many scandalous libels given out in my name of the conduct and retreat of the Prince since the battle of Culloden, I have thought myself obliged in duty and honour to give an impartial and true account of the same during [the]387 time that I had the honour to be near his person. This I don't pretend in justification of that great Prince, whose inimitable virtues and qualifications as well render him the darling of his friends as the astonishing surprize of his greatest enemies, and whose valour and calm intrepidity in heretofore unheard of dangers will usher down his fame to the latest posterity; but to convince and assure the world that all accounts as yet given, either under any name or otherwise, have [fol. 671.] been as spurious388 as defective and infamously false. I moreover assure this to be the first and only account that I have given or will give, and affirm the contents to be true upon my honour.

 

1746 15 April

16 April

April 15th, O.S. – Prince Charles marched his army in three columns from Culloden Muir in hopes to surprize the Duke of Cumberland in his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time two thousand men to pass the river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp of the enemy. To deceive the ships that were in Inverness Road he ordered several fires to be made on the mountain where he drew up in battle. At eight at night he began his march, and about two next morning, being the 16th of April, within a mile389 of the enemy, our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched an aid-de-camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel390 [fol. 672.] O'Sullivan (who marched in the van) immediately hasted to the Prince and told him Lord George Murray and some other of the chieftains, as they wanted some of their men, did not think themselves sufficiently strong to attack the enemy, and upon a strong belief the Duke of Cumberland was apprized of their design, refused to advance, maugre the instances he (Colonel O'Sullivan) made use of to engage them to the contrary. Upon this the Prince advanced to the head of the column, where, assembling the chiefs, in the most pathetic and strong terms demonstrated to them the visible and real advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves secure of any such attempt, and descending his horse,391 drew his sword, and told them he would lead them to an enemy they had as often defeated as seen. But, deaf to his example and intreaties, the [fol. 673.] major part declin'd, which so sensibly shocked the Prince, that, remounting his horse, he told them with the greatest concern392 he did not so much regret his own loss as their inevitable ruin. He immediately marched back to the former camp at Culloden, where he arrived at five in the morning. At ten he was informed the Duke of Cumberland was in full march towards him. Whereupon the Prince gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding from rank to rank encouraging his troops and exhorting them [with his usual sprightliness]393 to behave as they had done at Prestonpans and Falkirk. Between twelve and one the Prince engag'd the enemy, commanding himself in the centre. The right wing immediately broke the left of the enemy, but their flank being exposed to seven394 squadrons of horse, who attack'd them while they were in pursuit of the [fol. 674.] enemy's foot, was put into so much confusion that it was dispers'd. The Prince gallop'd to the right, and endeavouring to rally them395 had his horse shot under him.396 The left followed the example of the right, which drew on an entire deroute in spite of all the Prince could do to animate or rally them. Notwithstanding which he remained upon the field of battle untill there were no more hopes left, and then could scarce be persuaded to retire, ordering the Irish piquets and FitzJames's horse to make a stand and favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was as gallantly executed. Previous to the battle the Prince had ordered the chieftains that (in case of a defeat) as the Highlanders could not retreat as regular troops, they should assemble their men near Fort Augustus. In consequence of this, immediately after the battle the Prince dispatched me to Inverness to repeat his orders to such of his [fol. 675.] troops as were there. That night the Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle397 and went next day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him. But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.

28 April

I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate retreat [as has been maliciously reported]398 that he retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of April399 O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him an [fol. 676.] account of the little or no appearance there was of assembling his troops, upon which he wrote circular letters to all the chiftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being within seven miles400 of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to transmit [fol. 677.] him the answers of his letters, with an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me only.401 About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose, which drove us ninety miles402 from our designed port; and next day running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,403 we struck upon a rock and staved to pieces,404 and with great difficulty saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life. After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths. Here the Prince remained two days, [fol. 678.] having no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat, which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.

 

1 May.

6 May

As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat405 stranded on the coast, and, having with great difficulty launched it into the water, we imbarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched me406 for Stornoway to look for a ship, ordering me to imbark on board the first I could get, and to make the most diligent haste after my landing on the Continent to the Court of France, ordering me to give an exact account to [fol. 679.] his most Christian Majesty of his disasters and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill he knew the final result of France, and if it was not407 possible once more to assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person that the Prince sent with me408 getting drunk, told the master of the ship somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on board, and immediately alarmed the country, which obliged me to return and join the Prince, who upon what I told him resolved for the continent by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely refused to comply, which made us take the road we came. And meeting with three ships of war we were constrained [fol. 680.] to put into a desert island where we remained eight days409 in the greatest misery, having no sustenance but some dried fish that Providence threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the Island of Benbecula, and one of the boatmen, being acquainted with a herd of the island, led us to his house, where, passing for friends of the boatman, we remained four days, and then the Prince sent the boat to the continent with a Highland gentleman whom he charged with letters to the chiefs, Secretary [fol. 681.] Murray and John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood.

Not thinking ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a friend we retired to the mountain of Coradale to wait the return of the gentleman, where we remained two-and-twenty days, when the gentleman returned with a letter from Secretary Murray importing that the clans had almost all delivered up their arms, and, consequently, were no more to be depended on. He likewise acquainted the Prince of two French ships who had arrived at the continent with money and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth, his brother, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and John Hay had imbarked for France.

June.

Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle, ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies to go in search of him. As soon [fol. 682.] as we had notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen. At nightfall we marched towards Benbecula, being informed Scott had ordered the militia to come and join him. At midnight we came to a hut, where by good fortune we met with Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went with a design to inform myself if the Independent Companies were to pass that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady answered me – Not – and said that they would not pass till the day after. Then I told her I brought a friend to see her, and she, with some emotion, [fol. 683.] asked me if it was the Prince. I answered her it was, and instantly brought him in.410 We then consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could think of a no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to Miss Flora to convey him to the Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's father being captain of an Independent Company would accord her a pass for herself and a servant to go visit her mother. The Prince assented, and immediately propos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered with the greatest respect and loyalty; but declined it, saying Sir Alexander MacDonald was too much her friend to be the instrument of his ruin. I endeavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir Alexander was not in the country, and that she could with the greatest facility convey the Prince to her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside. I then [fol. 684.] remonstrated to her the honour and immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious action, and she at length acquiesc'd, after the Prince had told her the sense he would always retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised to acquaint us next day when things were ripe for execution, and we parted for the mountains of Coradale. Next day at four in the afternoon we received a message from our protectress, telling us ALL WAS WELL. We determined joining her immediately, but the messenger informed us we could not pass either of the fords that separated the island we were in from Benbecula, as they were both guarded. In this dreadful situation a man of the country tendered us his boat, which we readily accepted, and next day landed at Benbecula, and immediately marched for Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, where we arrived at midnight, and instead of our protectress, [fol. 685.] found [ourselves within fifty yards of]411 a guard of the enemy. We were constrained to retreat four miles, having eat nothing for thirty hours412 before. The Prince ordered me to go to the lady and know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She told me she had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive him in his house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in the Isle of Sky.413 I immediately dispatched a boy with this news to the Prince, and mentioned him the place of appointment, whither he came. But the gentleman absolutely refused receiving us, alleging for a motive that he was vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In this unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain and fifty men, we hastened for Rossinish, being apprized the enemy had just [fol. 686.] abandoned it. The Prince sent me to acquaint Miss Flora of our disappointment and to intreat her to keep to her promise, as there was no time to lose. She faithfully promised for next day, and I remained with her that night, the Prince remaining at Rossinish attended by a little herd. Next day I accompanied Miss Flora to the rendezvous, where we had not long been when we had an account414 that General Campbell was just landed with 1500 men.415 We were now apprehensive that we were betrayed, and instantly got to our boat and put to another place, where we arrived at daybreak. We dispatched to Clanranald's house to learn what news, who brought us word that General Campbell was there with Captain Ferguson, and that he saw Captain Scott's detachment coming to join [fol. 687.] them, and that they amounted in all to 2300 men. The Prince intreated the young lady I should accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a pass but for one servant. The Prince was so generous as to decline going unless I attended, untill I told him, if he made the least demur, I would instantly go about my business, as I was extremely indifferent what became of me so that his person was safe. [With much difficulty and after many intreaties]416 he at length imbarked, attended only by Miss Flora MacDonald.417

July.

Here my hard fate and the Prince's safety, which was my only object, obliged me to share no longer the misfortunes of that illustrious hero, whose grandeur of soul and intrepidity, with a calmness of spirit particular to himself in such dangers, [fol. 688.] increased in these moments when the general part of mankind abandon themselves to their fate. I now could only recommend him to God and his good fortune, and made my way amidst the enemy to South Uist, where we had left Colonel O'Sullivan.418 Next day I joined O'Sullivan, and found (four days after the Prince parted) a French cutter, commanded by one Dumont, and who had on board two captains of the Irish brigade with a number of volunteers. Here Colonel O'Sullivan and I concerted what were the properest measures to be taken. We agreed that he should go on board the cutter, as he was so reduced by the long fatigues that he had undergone in the mountains, as not to be able to walk, and that he should bring the cutter to Loch Seaforth, nigh the Isle of Rasay, where the Prince ordered me to join him by a billet he had sent me the day before by one of the boatmen who had rowed [fol. 689.] him to the Isle of Sky. After having seen my friend on board, and after innumerable difficulties, I got a boat and went round the Isle of Sky to the Isle of Rasay, place of rendezvous; but at my landing had intelligence that the Prince was returned to the Isle of Sky, whereupon I hasted to said Isle of Sky again, and there too had the grief to learn that he had departed that island, but for what place nobody could inform me in the least. I then repaired to Loch Nammaddy in North Uist, where by our agreement Colonel O'Sullivan was to come to me in case that in eight days I did not join him at Loch Scaforth; but not meeting my friend there, after a delay of four days I returned to the Island of Benbecula, where I promised [fol. 690.] myself greater safety than any where else; but I met with a quite different usage. For the very person419 in whom I had entirely confided, and under whose care I was, betrayed me to Captain MacNeal (induced thereto by a great sum of money offered for me), who was in that country under the command of Captain Ferguson of the Furnace-Bomb. I was taken by this Captain MacNeal in a rock over a loch, where I had skulked for four days, and brought to Captain Ferguson,420 who used me with all the barbarity of a pirate, stripped me, and had ordered me to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman, because I would not confess where I thought the Prince was. As I was just going to be whipped, being already stripped, Lieutenant MacCaghan of the Scotch Fusileers, who commanded a party under Captain [fol. 691.] Ferguson, very generously opposed this barbarous usage, and coming out with his drawn sword threatened Captain Ferguson that he'd sacrifice himself and his detachment rather than to see an officer used after such an infamous manner.

I can't avoid acquainting the public that four days after I was taken421 General Campbell sent me word upon his parole of honour that if I had money, or other effects in the country, in sending them to him they should be safe. Upon which (always imagining that the word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as 'tis in others) I went with a detachment for my money and gold watch which I had hid in the rock when I perceived the party searching for me, and sent to General Campbell by Captain Skipness Campbell 450 guineas, with my gold watch, broadsword, and pistols, all which he has thought [fol. 692.] proper (to be sure consistent with his honour) to keep from me upon diverse applications made to him to that purpose.

I hope the public will excuse this long digression, that I have made since my separation from the Prince, the more so that I have only made it to show that I did everything in my power as well to fulfil my duty as to endeavour to deserve the confidence with which the Prince was graciously pleased to honour me.

(Sic subscribitur)
F. O'Neille.

A coppy.

1747 8 Dec.

N.B.– After getting notice that Captain Felix O'Neille, after his being removed from the Castle of Edinburgh to some part in England, had transmitted an attested copy of his Journal to one of his friends in Edinburgh, I was at no small pains to find it out. At last I discovered that it was in the hands of the Countess of Dundonald. Upon Tuesday, December 8th, 1747, I did myself the honour of paying my respects to lady Mary Cochran in Edinburgh. I begged to know of her ladyship if [fol. 693.] it was true that the Countess had any such Journal and if I could have the favour of seeing it. Lady Mary said it was very true that her mamma had the Journal with O'Neille's own subscription at it, and that it was transmitted to her from O'Neille himself, and that she would endeavour to procure it for me from her mamma and send it down to me as soon as possible. But, then, her ladyship was pleased to observe that the Countess would not allow any copy to be taken of it, as Captain O'Neille had desired that no copy should be given of it, till he should send a letter to the Countess from France, wherein he would give allowance for copies to be taken of it at a proper time. And therefore Lady Mary added that all the favour I could obtain was only the reading of it. To this I answered that I had heard the Journal was made a great secret, and seeing it was so, I did not chuse to have the trust of it; for that if copies should happen to appear from other quarters it might be said that I had taken a copy without any allowance, [fol. 694.] and thereby had become the occasion of spreading it. And therefore I would much rather chuse to read it in her ladyship's presence and return it directly into her hands, if her ladyship would take the trouble of procuring me a sight of it while I had the honour of being with her. Lady Mary was so good as to say that though my Lady Dundonald was confined to her apartment with a severe cold, she would step to her and ask a reading of the Journal. Accordingly, in a very short time, Lady Mary returned and gave me the Journal. After reading of it I could not help declaring my surprize that the Journal should be made a matter of so much nicety when I could assure her ladyship that I had been master of a copy of it (the preface and conclusion only excepted) for about six months past, and that several such copies as mine were in Edinburgh and other places of Scotland. Lady Mary said that certainly Captain O'Neille's touching so severely upon General Campbell behoved to be the reason why he made his Journal an affair of such secrecy. To this I answered that the reason [fol. 695.] was good so long as Captain O'Neille remained in any part of Scotland or England, because the making such a particular the subject of common conversation might have brought rough enough treatment upon Captain O'Neille. But now that he was safe in France, I could not help looking upon it as a point of justice to make that particular part of the Journal known to the world, that so General Campbell might have an opportunity of vindicating himself, if there was any mistake in the case, and that if the charge was a fact, the truth might be fixed. Then I added that if my Lady Dundonald could be prevailed upon to allow me the use of the attested copy to compare it with my own, and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion, I would promise to give her ladyship in return for that favour a copy of Ker of Gradyne's account; and withal I said I should not give copies of the preface and conclusion or have any hand in making them common. Lady Mary was so good as to assure me that she would faithfully report that to [fol. 696.] my Lady Dundonald, and would employ her interest to procure that favour for me upon the conditions I had mentioned. I then took leave, and said I would do myself the honour of waiting upon her ladyship some day next week.

17 Dec.

Upon Thursday, December 17th, I again made my court to Lady Mary, who had most faithfully performed her promise, and had procured what I so much desired. Upon receiving the attested Journal at Lady Mary's hands, I repeated the conditions and assured her ladyship I would observe them.

I had been promised the use of Ker of Gradyne's account from the right reverend Bishop Keith in the Canongate, who at that time had the only copy of it in Scotland. Lady Mary informed me that the Countess was very much surprized to hear that I should have a copy of O'Neille's Journal, the preface and conclusion excepted, for that her ladyship had firmly believed that there was no such thing in all Scotland as the copy of a single sentence of it. Upon this I informed Lady Mary that Mr. William MacDougal, Wine merchant, [fol. 697.] was master of a transcript of O'Neille's attested Journal, which he had got when taking a jaunt with his lady in England for her health sometime in the month of September, from one of the French officers then prisoners upon parole at Berwick, but that Mr. MacDougal had given his promise not to communicate it by giving a copy to any one whatsoever, even though O'Neille had before that time set out for France, the officers that were left behind being much afraid that they themselves might feel the effects of resentment, should the animadversion upon General Campbell be publickly known before they should be exchanged and set free. Upon comparing the attested copy with the one I had formerly transcribed [vol. i. f. 181] I found no other difference betwixt them than what might proceed from a multiplicity of copies and from the unskilfulness and inattention of transcribers. And therefore at first I intended only to remark the differences of the two copies and to take transcripts of the preface and conclusion. But, upon second thoughts, I [fol. 698.] judged it more eligible to take an exact and faithful transcript of the whole of the attested copy, that so I might have it all as it had come from the hands of Captain O'Neille, who had sent it to my Lady Dundonald wrapped up in a cover with two seals upon it, and with an address in the following words precisely: —

382See ff. 129, 445.
383As this proceeds from Colonel Ker himself, who behoved to know this matter best, so it is more to be depended upon than other accounts, which differ from this, and some of which tell it in such a way as to leave an insinuation of some blame upon Lord George Murray, whose bravery can never be called in question. See ff. 129, 160, 182, 328, 446, 675.
384This says very ill for the corps posted to guard the park walls in order to prevent the Prince's army being flanked by the enemy from that quarter. Robert Forbes, A.M.
385Here Colonel Ker vindicates Lord George Murray from villainy, an imputation which no man in his right senses could ever entertain against Lord George, because no villain would have exposed his person so remarkably as he did where danger called upon all occasions. Besides, if Lord George had acted the double and dishonest part, why should he have skulked, and, at last, have gone to foreign parts? But, then, it is worth noticing that Colonel Ker says not a word with respect to the insolence and haughtiness of Lord George's temper, his great misfortune and fault, in which alone he can be justly blamed, and with which he stands charged by the Prince's own words to more than one [see ff. 150, 236, 450, 453]. However, to do Lord George justice, it is affirmed by some who have an opportunity of knowing, that Lord George, before he left Scotland, did declare his surprize to a friend (Murray of Abercairney) how it could enter into the head of any person to charge him with treachery. But at the same time that he acknowledged with concern and regret that he had been too often guilty of contradicting and thwarting the Prince in the measures he proposed. Certainly, tho' both be bad enough, there is a great difference 'twixt villainy and pride. Robert Forbes, A.M.
386Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 348-362.
387Thus the attested copy had it, without the word 'the.'
388If this be so, how then came I by the copy in vol. i. p. 181? For I can declare I was master of that copy upon July 14th, 1747, i. e. exactly a month and a half before the date of the Captain's letter, along with the attested copy, to the Countess of Dundonald. [See ff. 692-700 postea.]
389Three or four miles, say other accounts, and justly too, as must be confessed by those who know anything of the country about Nairn, where the attack was to have been made. See ff. 158, 448, 661. – F.
390This page contains several particulars not so much as mentioned in any of the accounts given by others, as may be seen by making a comparison. – F.
391The Prince marched all that night on foot, says Ker of Gradyne, f. 662. – F.
392With tears in his eyes, says the other copy, f. 181. – F.
393These words are wanting in the foresaid copy. See f. 182. – F.
394Nine squadrons, says the foresaid copy, f. 182. – F.
395Here in the foresaid copy these following words, 'but to no purpose.' See f. 182. – F.
396Not true. See f. 1161. – F.
397The foresaid copy says here, 'And next day arrived at Fort Augustus.' – Robert Forbes, A.M.
398These words are not in the other copy, f. 183. – F.
399The 26th of April, says the foresaid copy, which day Donald MacLeod fixes upon for their departure from the continent to the Isles. See ff. 273, 281, 316. Ned Burk says much the same. [See p. 329.] – F.
400Says Donald MacLeod, 'ten or twelve miles by sea, but a much greater distance by land.' See f. 278. – Robert Forbes, A.M.
401Honest Donald MacLeod, the pilot, and Allan MacDonald, Clanranald's relation might have had a place here, to say nothing of the poor rowers. See f. 281. – F.
402This must be a mistake, tho' it be so in the other copy too, for none of the lochs has so much bounds as to allow of such a drive from an intended harbour. I remember Donald MacLeod called this 'nonsense,' for he makes the whole course but only 96 miles. [See f. 284.] – F.
403This should be Benbecula, but I think not so much of his mistaking names, being a stranger. See f. 284. – F.
404This is altogether an error, as plainly appears, not only from the words of Donald MacLeod and Ned Burk [see ff. 270, 343], but likewise from a remarkable token given me by Captain Alexander MacDonald, which puts this point beyond all doubt. See f. 581. – F.
405One error never fails to prove the foundation of another, if not of many. – F.
406This whole affair is represented in quite a different manner by Donald MacLeod, who caused me remark more than once that O'Neille did not accompany him to Stornoway (See ff. 270, 287), and I have heard Ned Burk affirm the same thing. – F.
407Here either 'not' should be wanting, or the next word immediately following should be 'impossible' to make sense of the words which were precisely as above in the attested copy, but in the other copy they happen to be right. See f. 184. – F.
408One error must be the foundation of another at least. See this whole affair cleared up by Donald MacLeod himself (See f. 289), and that, too, according to the expressions of Captain John Hay upon the head who could have no interest or by-view in what he spoke. See f. 479. – F.
409Four days and four nights, says Donald MacLeod, and not in so very great misery as Captain O'Neille represents them to have been in, though indeed their case was bad enough (See ff. 291-297). And Ned Burk's account of this matter agrees with that of Donald MacLeod (See f. 331). One day I read this particular of the desert island to Ned Burk when he used this remarkable expression, 'What deel needs a man mack mair wonders than we had. Faith we had anew o' them.' Words tho' coarse, yet very significant. – Robert Forbes, A.M.
410In all this Captain O'Neille is exactly right, for I have heard Miss MacDonald declare more than once that the Captain came to her (bringing the Prince along with him) when she happened to be in a shealling belonging to her brother; that the Captain was the contriver of the scheme, and that she herself was very backward to engage in it; and indeed no wonder (whatever some may say), when one seriously considers the important trust, and the many dangers attending it. Something of all this may be gathered from her own Journal. See f. 524.
411In the other copy these words are wanting. See f. 187. – F
412In the other copy thirty-four hours. – Robert Forbes, A.M.
413See ff. 526, 589.
414It is truly a matter of much wonder that the Prince should escape the clutches of so many in such narrow bounds, especially when the coast was swarming with ships, sloops, etc. – F.
415See ff. 485, 526.
416These words are not in the other copy. See f. 189. – F.
417The faithful MacKechan might have been named here. – F.
418Captain O'Neille speaks more respectfully, and is more favourable in his accounts of Colonel O'Sullivan than some other hints that are given in this Collection. (See ff. 496, 519, 528.) – Robert Forbes, A.M.
419See the person named and the whole affair cleared up in this vol. f. 644. – F.
420A man remarkable for his cruelties. See ff. 192, 216, 257, 309, etc. Even in his younger years he was remarkable for a cruel turn of mind among his school-fellows and companions, and therefore he is the fitter tool for William the Cruel. He was born at Old Meldrum in the shire of Aberdeen. – Robert Forbes, A.M.
421See ff. 191, 645.