I am positively informed that the Highland army did not consist of above seven thousand fighting men,197 and that the Duke of Cumberland's must have been ten or twelve thousand. In the one army there were not above an hundred and fifty horse, of which one half was of the regiment of Fitz-James. In the other army they had eleven or twelve hundred.
When a misfortune happens people are apt to throw the blame upon persons or causes, which frequently are either [fol. 448.] the effect of malice or ignorance, without knowing the real springs and motives. Severals are of opinion that the night attack could have been made, but I am convinced of the contrary for the following reasons. The Highland army, when they halted near Culraick, were not above five thousand men. They had four miles to march, and part of them were obliged to have made a considerable circumference so that it would have been sun-rise before they could have made the attack. The ground about Nairn where the enemy lay encamped was a hard, dry soil, and plain muirs three miles round about except where the sea intervened; the nearest strong and uneven ground being the wood of Culraick. Let it be supposed the Highlanders had made an attack in the broad day-light upon an enemy double their number in their camp, who were well refreshed with a day and two nights' rest, with plenty of all kinds of provisions, with their canon pointed as they thought [fol. 449.] proper, their horse drawn up to their wish in a fine plain, what must the consequence have been? What would have been said of officers that led on men in such circumstances and such a situation? Would it not have been certain death and destruction of all those that made the attack? Would it not have been said and justly said, Why go you on in such a desperate attempt seeing it could not be done by surprize and undiscovered as projected? Why not try the chance of a fair battle by returning and being joined by the rest of the army as well as by those who had withdrawn the night before, and a great many others who were hourly expected; where also they might have canon and choice of the field of battle? By this means there was a fair chance, by others there was none.
As to the above-mentioned facts you may rely upon them. I saw the Duke of Perth, the Duke of Athol, Lord John Drummond, Lord George Murray, Lord Ogilvie, Colonel Stewart of Ardshiel, Colonel Roy Stewart, Lord Nairn, and several others, at Ruthven of Badenoch on the Friday two days [fol. 450.] after the battle, and they all agreed on the same things.
April.
One thing I must take notice of, that from the beginning of the whole affair there never had been the least dispute198 or misunderstanding among the officers. Some find fault that the night march was undertaken seeing there was not a certainty of marching to Nairn time enough to make the attack before day-light, as also that they had too few men.
In answer to this. It was not doubted when the march was begun but that there would be abundance of time. Their greatest precaution was not to be discovered. The Highlanders had often made very quick marches in the night-time. The French piquets I believe were in the rear and were not so clever in marching, and the muir they went through was more splashy than they expected, and they were obliged to make some turns to shun houses, and there were two or three dykes that took [fol. 451.] up a good deal of time to pass. The guides though they knew the ground very well, yet were not judges to tell what time it would take to march the ten miles, as they were called, though by reason of the indirect road, must be more. Notwithstanding of all this I am persuaded most of the army (had not the van been frequently stopt and retarded by repeated orders and messages) would have been at Nairn by two o'clock in the morning. As for the number of men, though not half that of the enemy, they might very probably have succeeded in the attempt had they made the attack undiscovered. Nothing is more uncertain than the events of war. Night attacks are most subject to disappointments. This march and counter-march, to be sure, was, as things turned out, a great disadvantage. It fatigued the men much, and a council of war might have been obtained in which doubtless a resolution would have been taken to chuse a more advantagious field of [fol. 452.] battle and perhaps postpon'd fighting for a day till the succours that were coming up with the utmost expedition should join. Councils of war were seldom held and were out of request199 from the time the army marched into England. I remember but of two that were held, the one at Brampton in regard of besieging Carlisle or going to attack General Wade. The other was at Carlisle, where it was resolved to march forwards. What happened at Derby was accidental by most of the officers being at the Prince's quarters, and taking into consideration their situation, they were all unanimous in advising the Prince to retreat. I think there was but one council of war called after they returned to Scotland, and that was near Crieff, the [fol. 453.] day after the retreat from Stirling, where there was some difference of opinion, but it was at last agreed to march for Inverness in two separate bodies, the one the Highland road, and the other by the coast, severals at first being for the army all going one road. The day of the battle of Falkirk the officers were called on the field where the army was drawn up betwixt Bannockburn and the Torwood, and all agreed immediately to march to the enemy; also the retreat from Stirling, it was advised by many of the principal officers, particularly the clans. They drew up the reasons and sign'd them at Falkirk three days before the retreat was made, the chief of which was that a vast number of men had gone off after the battle, and were not returned, and that the siege of Stirling Castle was not advancing; they did not think it advisable to fight in such circumstances.
[fol. 454.] This letter has been much longer than I intended. But before I conclude I must acquaint you that six weeks before the battle of Culloden some officers proposed sending up meal to several parts of the Highlands, and in particular to Badenoch, that in the event of the Duke of Cumberland's army marching towards Inverness before the army was gathered they might retreat for a few days till they could assemble; or if a misfortune should happen by a defeat there might be some provisions in these parts. But this was reckoned a timorous advice and rejected as such, though I have reason to believe that the opinion of mostly all the Highland officers was much the same. There was no doubt the Highlanders could have avoided fighting till they had found their advantages. In so doing they could have made a summer campaign without running the risque of any misfortune. They could have marched through the hills to places in Aberdeenshire, Banffshire, [fol. 455.] the Merns, Angus, Perthshire, or Argyleshire by ways that no regular troops could have followed them; and if the regular troops had continued among the mountains they must have been attended with great difficulties and expence. Their convoys might have been cut off, and opportunities offered to have attacked them with almost a certainty of success. And though the Highlanders had neither money nor magazines they could not have starved in that season of the year, so long as there were any sheep or cattle to be had. They could also have separated into two or three different bodies, got meal for some days' provision, met again at a place appointed, and have attacked the enemy where was least expected. They could have marched in three days what would have taken regular troops five. Nay, had these taken the high roads (as often they would have been obliged to do upon account of their [fol. 456.] carriages) it would have taken them ten or twelve. In short, they would have been so harrassed and fatigued, that they must have been in the greatest distress and difficulties; and at the long run probably been destroyed. At least, much might have been expected by gaining of time. Perhaps such succours might have come from France as would have made the Highlanders to have made an offensive instead of a defensive war. This I saw was the opinion of many of the officers who considered the consequences of losing a battle. They knew well that few of the Highlanders would join heartily against them, as long as they continued entire, but would upon a defeat. There was one great objection to this, that the Irish officers, who were all as brave men and zealous in the cause as possibly could be, and many of the low-country men, could not endure the fatigue of a Highland campaign. As to the common [fol. 457.] soldiers that came from France there were not four hundred of them remaining. They and their officers, even though a battle was lost, had but to surrender and be made prisoners of war. It was very different with the Scots, whose safety depended upon their not venturing a battle without great probability of success. But any proposition to postpone fighting was ill-received and was called discouraging the army.
I have nothing further to add, but am, etc.
Leith, Saturday, October 17th, 1747.
17 Oct. 1747
[fol. 458.] John Hay, captain of the Custom House yacht at Air, came to the house of James Renny, wine-cooper in Leith, about 8 o'clock at night, when the conversation turned pretty much upon Miss Flora MacDonald, whom Captain Hay had seen several times after she was made prisoner, as he had been employed along with the ships and sloops of war, etc., in executing the errands and designs of the government about the west and north coast before the battle of Culloden, and after that in searching for the Prince and his friends. Captain Hay, asking about Miss MacDonald's welfare, said he could not help being surprized how it came about that her stepfather, MacDonald of Armadale, had never been taken up for that he had done very much, and far more, than ever it was in the power of Miss MacDonald to do. When it was asked what Armadale had done, the captain's answer was in these or the like words,200 'General Campbell complained to me more than once, that MacDonald of Armadale was the man that had misled him when searching for the Young Pretender; and therefore,' [fol. 459.] added he, 'I cannot fail being surprized that Armadale was never taken into custody.'
Miss Peggie Forbes, who had heard something of Armadale's history, told the captain it was not for want of inclination and searching on the part of the government that Armadale had not been taken up, for that he was under a necessity, after knowing himself to be suspected, to skulk and go out of the way for some time.201
N.B.– The above narrative I had more than once from Miss Peggie Forbes's own mouth.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Copy of some Omissions in Donald MacLeod's Journal
21 Oct.
[fol. 460.] Donald MacLeod, having been long detained in and about Edinburgh by the civilities and kindness of friends, was in my room in the Citadel of Leith, along with James MacDonald, joiner, upon Wednesday, October 21st, 1747, when Donald was pleased to inform me that upon reflection, he found he had forgot some few particulars in giving me his Journal, and therefore he would now take the opportunity of giving me a narrative of them. Accordingly I writ them down from his own mouth.
[See vol. 2d, page 301,202 near the foot, the paragraph beginning with June 14th.]
From the foot of the mountain of Coradale they set sail in Campbell's boat still, and landed in the Island Ouia, at Benbicula, where they stayed four nights. From thence the Prince and O'Neil, with a guide, went to Rushness, where Lady Clanranald was. Donald and O'Sullivan were left at Ouia, where they abode two nights after the Prince had gone off to Rushness by land. The third night after the Prince had [fol. 461.] been at Rushness, he got information that it was advisable he should go back again to the place from whence he had come; but he knew not well what to do, as the boats of the militia had been all the time in the course between Ouia and Rushness. Donald and O'Sullivan, hearing of the Prince's situation, set sail under favour of the night, and brought the Prince off from Rushness, steering their course from thence south again back towards Coradale hill. But meeting with a violent storm, and a very heavy rain, they were forced to put into Uishness Point, two miles and an half north of Coradale. The place they put up at in that night is called Achkirsideallich,203 a rock upon the shore, in a clift of which they took up their quarters, the storm continuing for a whole day. At night the enemy being within less than two miles of them, they set sail again, and arrived safely at Ciliestiella, from whence they steered their course towards Loch Boisdale. But one on board swore that there was a long-boat in their way, no doubt full of [fol. 462.] marines. Donald MacLeod was positive on the contrary, and assured them that it was nothing else but a little rock in the water, which he was formerly acquainted with, having the appearance of a boat at some distance. But he could not persuade them to take his opinion of the matter, and therefore they steered back to Ciliestiella, and stayed there that night. Next day they set out for Loch Boisdale, where they got the disagreeable accounts of Boisdale's being made a prisoner, etc., and whereabouts they made their abode for about eight days.204
At the same time Donald told me that Boisdale was once a whole night with the Prince upon Coradale,205 and was very merry with him; and desired me still to remark that if Boisdale had not been prisoner, the Prince needed not to have left the Long Isle at all.
Donald likewise told me that when in London he called for his chiftain, who would not vouchsafe him so much as a look; [fol. 463.] and that one day spying him on the street of Edinburgh, he ventured to make up to him to enquire about his welfare; but his honour never minded honest Donald, and would take no notice of him at all.
When I told Donald that I would write down an account of this odd conduct in the Laird, he said, 'O na, lat him be.' But I positively insisted upon it, and would not yield it to Donald, remarking withal that I looked upon him as a great honour to his chiftain, and that therefore he needed not have behaved so to him as if he had been ashamed of him. To which Donald modestly replied, 'Faith, sir, I hope he winna say I am a disgrace to him.'
N.B.– The above omissions occasion some variation in the dates at the end of Donald's Journal about the Prince.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Copy of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, containing a true and genuine account of the case of poor William Baird. 206
8 Sept. 1747
[fol. 464.] Revd. Sir, – I am to address you at this time on behalf of William Baird, very misfortunate man, and now lying prisoner under sentence of death in the jayl at Carlisle, and every moment expecting to be transported with others that are in the same situation with himself there. This poor man went up to Carlisle in September last as an exculpatory evidence for the late Revd. Mr. Lyon, who was execute at Penrith in October last; but he no sooner appeared in Carlisle in this capacity, than he was tried for high treason, and condemned to die with the other prisoners that were tried, though he produced in court a protection from an officer in Montrose, upon the delivering up of his arms in terms of the Duke of Cumberland's [fol. 465.] order. But the judges had no regard to this, as they wanted by all means to try and condemn this poor man, in order to debar him from being evidence for Mr. Lyon, whom they were to destroy at any rate. As this poor man is in great misery just now, so I wish you would use your interest in order to procure him some supplies of money from well-disposed persons, which would come in good stead to him, as he is just now in the most miserable condition imaginable, being destitute of cloaths, linen, and everything else that is necessary for him to have, and of bread too, of which he has but a scanty portion every day, and such as keeps in life, and that is all. If you can get any money collected for him, Mr. James Wright will direct you as to the way and manner you are to remit to him. This poor unlucky man has a just title to the regard of every well-disposed person, as he has resigned his own life to preserve Mr. Lyon's; and if he had not done so, he would not have [fol. 466.] been in so miserable a condition as he is just now. He is a married man, and has a wife and children here, which have no subsistence but from myself. I pity their case very much, as every good person must. May God raise up friends for all that are in their situation. – I am, Reverend Sir, your most humble servant,
(Sic subscribitur)
Arbuthnott.
Arbuthnott, September 8th, 1747.
N.B.– The original of the above is to be found among my Papers.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Copy of a Return to the above Letter, wherein a character of honest Donald MacLeod
21 Oct. 1747
My Lord, – Your lordship may be justly surprized at me having been honoured with yours of September 8th, without making any return to it before this time. But to tell the truth, as I had a view of this bearer, I delayed writing till I could do it with a good grace. And sure I am I could never [fol. 467.] do it with a better one than at present, when I gladly embrace the opportunity of affording your lordship the happiness to salute one of the first men in the world.
I know, my Lord, you feel a sensible pleasure beyond many in the world in conversing with worthies, men of rigid virtue and integrity, and such indeed this man is.
Know then, my Lord, that this will be put into your hands by the renowned Scots Palinurus, Donald MacLeod, tenant at Gualtergill, in the Isle of Sky, that most faithfull and honest steersman of the eight-oar'd boat from the continent to the Isles of Benbicula, South Uist, Lewis, etc., etc., etc., and who had the Prince among his hands for about ten weeks after the battle of Culloden. While a prisoner on board a ship he went through an uninterrupted series of the greatest hardships and severities for several months together. In a word, he was reduced [fol. 468.] to the lowest ebb of misery, and had the mortification of seeing others dying about him like rotten sheep. But his gray hairs (by a remarkable blessing of Heaven) have survived the trials of adversity, while many younger and in appearance much stronger, submitted to the fate of a lingring death.
Although his history be most extraordinary in all the several instances of it, yet, my Lord, when he arrived here from London, he had not wherewith to bear his charges to Sky, where he has a wife and children (under the Laird of Macleod) whom he has now been absent from for nineteen or twenty months. Something has been done for him in and about Edinburgh, but far from what his merit justly entitles him to, and what his circumstances really call for. So many and frequent are the demands that have been made, that I must frankly own I was turned quite bankrupt in applications before I had the honour of your Lordship's letter; so that it was altogether [fol. 469.] out of my power, though my inclination was great, to make anything for poor William Baird, whose affecting history and character were no strangers to me.
Take a view, my Lord, of this truly noble (though poor) worthy in this single point – that he had the courage and integrity of heart to despise the tempting bait of thirty thousand pounds sterling, and not only so, but that in spite of the infirmities attending the hoary head he struggled through as great [fol. 470.] dangers207 and difficulties of life for the preservation of etc., as it is in the power of the most fertil fancy to paint; and then I leave it to your lordship to draw the immortal character of this amiable instance of heroic virtue.
I dare venture to say that no man of bowels can hear honest Donald's interesting story without a mixture of joy and pain, and even without shedding tears. Well do I know all the several parts of it, and the more I think upon it, to the greater height is my admiration raised of the wondrous good man.
He has a large silver snuff-box which serves as an excellent medal of his history, to which I refer your lordship after asking your forgiveness for this too long letter. But while I would fain flatter myself with the hopes I am giving you pleasure, I indulge a self-satisfaction, for I could dwell upon the subject.
I shall be glad to know when this reaches your lordship's hands, for I will be sorry if it should happen to be of an old [fol. 471.] date before it is delivered.
That God Almighty may bless and reward your lordship with all happiness both here and hereafter, for the many seasonable instances of compassion and relief you have shewn to the necessitous and deserving, is the hearty and earnest prayer of, My Lord, Your lordship's very much obliged and most humble servant,
Robert Forbes.
Citadel of Leith, October 21st, 1747.