Satan transformed into an Angel of Light, or copy of a Letter from Mr. Evidence Murray, to his nephew, Sir David Murray, of seventeen or eighteen years of age, in jayl in the city of York, 1747
[fol. 415.] The pleasure it gave me to hear that the king had been graciously pleased to grant you a reprieve, was far greater than the world could perhaps be willing to imagine for one in my situation, as mankind is most apt to be concerned about their own misfortunes. As I look upon it as my duty to give you the best advice in my power, I would not fail to lay hold on the liberty granted me to observe some few things which I hope may be of service to you, when I may not have an opportunity to advise you by word of mouth.
I must first observe that the grace shown you must have proceeded entirely from a greatness of soul and a compassion of your youth, as it was not in the least in your power to atone for the offence. I know that you are brave, and I have no doubt but you are generous, the latter being ever looked upon as a concomitant of the former. Gratitude has always [fol. 416.] been esteemed one of the greatest virtues, and its opposite regarded in so vile a light that the antient Spartans punished it with death. Don't allow yourself to be too much elevated, but consider coolly on the uneasiness you have felt, and thereby judge of the favour you have received.
I hear there are zealots in the world who would willingly make mankind believe that they act from principle alone, and even would wish to die martyrs for their cause; and their lofty notions are ready to gain even on those of riper years. But be assured that at the bottom it is self-interest prevails. They only intend to promote their own ambitious views without the least regard to the welfare and happiness of others. Pull off their mask and they appear in their native dress. Some such you may meet with. But always remember the story of the cat and the monkey; for depend upon it, when your hands are [fol. 417.] in the fire they will hug themselves on being safe. That there ever have been such men is past dispute, and had there been none such, that you and I would not have been in our present situation is as undeniable. I shall now say a little to what I know is a tender point, but nevertheless may be gently touch'd.189
There are a certain set of men who can confine salvation to their Church alone; but though I am no divine I cannot help thinking it absurd to imagine that God Almighty made mankind to damn nine out of ten, which must be the case, if their maxim holds true. Our blessed Saviour died for both Jew and Gentile. But I will not insist upon the subject, as you may guess my meaning, and I hope will not fail to consider seriously of it. I could, and indeed I incline to say a good [fol. 418.] deal more, but that I don't care to crowd too many thoughts upon you all at once, so shall only further assure you that I am sincerely,
A Prodigy of Wickedness.
Copy of the Prince's Summons to the City of Edinburgh to surrender. Directed to the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of Edinburgh
16 Sept. 1745
Being now in a condition to make our way into this capital of his Majesty's ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby summon you to receive us, as you are in duty bound to do. And in order to it we hereby require you upon receipt of this to summon the Town Council and take proper measures in it for securing the peace and quiet of the city, which we are very desirous to protect. But if you suffer any of the Usurper's troops to enter the town, or any of the canon, arms, or amunition now in it, whether belonging to the publick or to private persons, to be carried off, we shall take it as a breach of your [fol. 419.] duty and a heinous offence against the king and us, and shall resent it accordingly. We promise to preserve all the rights and liberties of the city, and the particular property of every one of his Majesty's subjects. But if any opposition be made to us we cannot answer for the consequences, being firmly resolved at any rate to enter the city, and in that case, if any of the inhabitants are found in arms against us, they must not expect to be treated as prisoners of war.
(Signed) Charles, Prince Regent.
From our Camp, 16th September 1745.
16 Sept. 1745
Upon the magistrates receiving the above, the inhabitants were called together and almost unanimously agreed to surrender the town, and sent deputies out to the Prince to treat with him, viz., Baillies Gavin Hamilton, John Yetts, and David Inglis, and James Norrie, Deacon Convener, to whom the Prince caused deliver the following answer.
His royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his Manifesto and the King, his father's, Declaration, already published, are a [fol. 420.] sufficient capitulation for all his Majesty's subjects to accept of with joy. His present demands are to be received into the city as the son and representative of the king, his father, and obeyed as such when he is there.
His Royal Highness supposes that since the receipt of his letter to the provost and magistrates no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried off or concealed, and will expect a particular account of all things of that nature.
Lastly, he expects a positive answer to this before 2 o'clock in the morning, otherwise he will find himself obliged to take measures conform. By his Highness's command,
(Sign'd) John Murray.
At Gray's Mill, 16 September 1745.
17 Sept. 1745
After this a second deputation was sent to the Prince, viz., Provost Coutts and Baillie Robert Baillie, who brought the following answer.
His Royal Highness has already given all the assurances he can that he intends to exact nothing of the city in general, nor [fol. 421.] of any in particular, but what his character of Regent entitles him to. This he repeats, and renews his summons to the magistrates to receive him as such. By His Highness's command,
(Sign'd) John Murray.
Gray's Mill 3 o'clock in the Morning,
Tuesday, 17 September 1745.
A Narrative 190 given me by Mr. Alexander Murray, Printer, in Burnet's Close, Edinburgh
July.
About the beginning of July 1746 one Garnet, a dragoon in Lord Mark Ker's regiment, and son of one Garnet, a printer at Sheffield, came to the printing house of William Sands and Company at Edinburgh, and having been asked several questions in relation to the battle of Culloden, said: That he himself was engaged there; that the orders they received were To make no prisoners: That the reason of this severity was that the Duke had got notice before the armies were engaged that the rebels had given orders – To kill men, women, and children of their enemies, without distinction, for eight days [fol. 422.] after the battle, in case victory should declare for them; that he himself went to the field of battle the day after the engagement in the forenoon; that on coming near it, he heard a doleful noise; that on coming to the place he found that the noise he had heard was several of the wounded rebels who had crawled together were bemoaning one another's condition; that in a short while after he saw some small parties of the king's troops with officers on their head go through the field and shoot the wounded rebels; that six or eight of the soldiers fired together at different rebels, but did not receive the word of command from their officers, though they stood by and saw the service performed; that they went thro' the field thus; that some of the rebels seemed pleased to be relieved of their pain by death, while others begged of the soldiers to spare them, which, however, was no ways regarded; that the soldiers employed in this service were foot, so that he himself was only a spectator; that soldiers went, a day or two after to the field and did the [fol. 423.] like; that such severity would not have been exercised against a foreign enemy, and that at this time the French were treated with great humanity, as they are said to be remarkably human when conquerors; and that a written order was said to be found in the pocket of one of the rebels after the battle agreeing with the accounts above mentioned which the Duke had received before the engagement. This dragoon who named and designed himself as above seemed to be a discreet, ingenuous man.
Edinburgh, October 30th, 1746.
30 Oct. 1746
An officer of the Broadalbine Militia (who was among those who made openings in the stone walls, through which the dragoons passed) being told the above, did not believe it, and gave as his reason that a præmium having been given for every gun and sword brought to the king's camp after the battle, the men under his command were so busied in carrying guns and swords from the field of battle to the camp that he could scarcely keep a sufficient number of them to do duty, and yet [fol. 424.] he never heard of the rebels being thus killed in cold blood, which, being a thing very uncommon, he thought his men could not miss to observe and to tell him of it. This gentleman added, that he heard at that time of the order of the rebels for giving no quarter; that a particular serjeant in certain regiment was said to have it; that he asked it of him, but was answered he heard another serjeant had it, and went to two or three thus, and always found less reason to believe there ever was any such order.
8 Oct. 1747
N.B. – Edinburgh, October 8th, Thursday, 1747.
I visited Mr. Alexander Murray, printer, out of whose hand I received a copy of the above in his own hand-writ, and from which I have faithfully made the above transcript. The copy in Mr. Murray's hand-writ is to be found among my papers. Mr. Murray is the person who conversed with the dragoon and the Broadalbine officer in presence of Mr. James Cochran, co-partner [fol. 425.] in business with Mr. Murray. The said Mr. Cochran vouched to me the truth of the above narrative in every ace of it, as given by the dragoon and the officer.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
Copy of a Letter from Charles Gordon of Terperse 191 to his own lady
14 Nov. 1746
Dear Heart, – I now tell you that I suffer death to-morrow for my duty to God, my king, and country. I bless God I die in charity with all men. I think my butchered body will be taken care of and buried as a Christian, by order of Francis Farquharson, who has acted a father to me, and laid out a good deal of money to and for me, whereof you may expect a particular account, which I leave you on my blessing to repay him. I die with the greatest regret that I've been a bad husband to you, and I beg you'll pardon me in your heart, and that you'll express your goodness (as you'll answer to God [fol. 426.] and me in the everlasting world) by your care of and motherly looking to your children's salvation and right putting them to business in this world. I know not how many are alive; only set the boys to some right imployment while young, and strive to admonish the daughters in the fear of God. I herewith send you a note of what I would have done with the trifles I have a concern in, for you know the lump of my business.
My dearest, – If I should write till my life ends I would still have something to say. But to stop that I end with my dying blessing to you, my young ones, and your poor mother, if alive. Your last from, your unfortunate husband,
Cha. Gordon.
Carlisle, November 14th, 1746.
Copy of a Letter which served to cover the above to Lady Terperse from Mr. Patrick Gordon, Presbyterian preacher at Rhynie
26 Jan. 1747
[fol. 427.] Madam, – The inclosed came to me two or three days ago, and I intended to have delivered it to you with my own hand. But as I cannot travel so far for some days by reason of necessary business in my parish, I thought proper, rather than delay it any longer, to transmit it in this manner. My correspondent is a gentlewoman that lives in the neighbourhood of Carlisle, who saw Terperse every day for some time before his death, and says he died as became a truly penitent Christian, to the conviction of all the clergy and others that conversed with him. She writes me that one Wright, by orders from Mr. Farquharson, provided a coffin for his body; that she gave such grave-cloaths as are usual, put them on, and saw him buried in St. Culbert's Churchyard. So that you and all your relations are very much obliged to this gentlewoman. She [fol. 428.] desires me further to acquaint you that he never received any letter from you nor any remittance; and the letter I wrote, giving him an account of you and your children did not reach Carlisle till after his death; that she has his stock-buckle, buttons, and a book he left to his son, Charles, which she is ready to send to Edinburgh to any person you shall name there, which you may do by me when you please, for I intend to write her soon. Terperse mentions some note or account in his letter; but it did not come to my hand, nor does my correspondent write anything about it. I am, Madam, your most humble servant,
(Sic subscribitur)
Pat. Gordon.
Rhynic, January 26th, 1747.
Copy of a Letter, said to be written by Lord George Murray or one of his friends, 1746. 192
[fol. 429.] In answer to what you write about the Highland army having not behaved with their usual bravery, or that some of their principal officers had not done their duty, which might be the occasion of their late misfortune, I must inform you by all I can learn, the men showed the utmost eagerness to come to action, nor did I hear of any one officer but behaved well, so far as the situation and circumstances would allow. The truth seems to be that they were overpowered by a superiour force, and their field of battle was ill-chosen, which gave the Duke of Cumberland great advantages, especially in his canon and horse. Another misfortune they lay under was a total want of provisions, so that they were reduced to the hard necessity either of fighting an army a third stronger, or to starve or disperse. As to what happened the day of the battle and the preceding day, I shall let you know [fol. 430.] what I could learn.
15 April.
On the fifteenth, all those of the Highland army as were assembled were drawn up in line of battle upon a moor south from Culloden, facing eastwards. This was done early in the morning, as it was known that the Duke of Cumberland was come to Nairn the night before; but as he did not move before mid-day, it was judged he would not march that day, it being his birthday; and as his troops had made no halt from the time he left Aberdeen, it was reasonable to think he would give them a day's rest. It was then proposed to make a night attack upon the Duke of Cumberland's army in their camp, which, if it could be done before one or two o'clock in the morning, might (though a desperate attempt) have had a chance of succeeding. Several of the officers listened to this, as they knew the Duke of Cumberland was much superiour to the Highland army. The objection to it was that a great many of the army had not as yet joined, particularly Keppoch, the Master of Lovat, Cluny, Glengyle, the Mackenzies, and [fol. 431.] many of the recruits of Glengary and other regiments, which were all expected in two or three days, and some of them sooner; that if they should fail in the attempt and be repulsed, it would not be easy rallying the Highlanders in the dark; that if the Duke of Cumberland was alarm'd by any of his patrollers, he might have time to put his army in order in the camp (I suppose no spy should give timely notice), and place his canon charged with cartouch shot as he had a mind, and his horse might be all in readiness so as to pursue, if the Highlanders had been beat off; and lastly, the difficulty of making their retreat with perhaps a good many wounded men, whom the Highlanders will never leave, be it possible to bring them off. It is to be remarked that there was no intelligence of the enemy's camp. Add to this, how fatiguing it would be to march backwards and forwards twenty miles, and probably be obliged to fight next day; nor could they make their retreat safe and not be attacked before they joined the rest of the army.
On the other hand the Prince was vastly bent for the night-attack, [fol. 432.] and said he had men enow to beat the enemy, whom he believed utterly dispirited, and would never stand a bold and brisk attack. The Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, with others, seemed to wish it; and Lord George Murray, Lochgary, with many others, were induced to make a fair trial what could be done, though they were very sensible of the danger should it miscary. They observed with much concern the want of provisions. The men had only got that day a biscuit each, and some not even that.193 It was feared it would prove worse next day, except they could take provisions from the enemy; and they had reason to believe if the men were allowed to disperse to shift for some meat (which many of them would do if the army continued there all night), that it would be very difficult to assemble them in the event of a sudden alarm, which, considering the nearness of the enemy, might very reasonably be supposed; and as they must have layen that night in the muirs near Culloden, as they had done the night before, they knew many of them would disperse [fol. 433.] without liberty to several miles distance for provisions and quarters, and that it would be far in the day before they could be assembled again; and as Keppoch came up and joined the army that afternoon, they flattered themselves that the men they had might do if they could have made the attack by one or two in the morning, especially if they were undiscovered, as they had great hopes they might. For having examined the different roads, of which they had perfect intelligence from the MacIntoshes, who lived in those very parts, they found they could keep upon a muir the whole way so as to shun the houses, and be a considerable way from the highroad that leads from Inverness to Nairn. They also considered that in the event of making the attack, should they even be beat off without the desired success, they might before daybreak get back the length of Culcarick,194 which was very strong ground, and from thence by a hill they could retire the whole way on the south side of the water of Nairn, till they were joined by their friends whom [fol. 434.] they expected and by the stragglers. Nor did they believe the enemy would follow them (suppose the Highlanders were beat back) till it were good daylight, so as they could see about them and send out reconnoitering parties to prevent their falling into ambuscades and snares. And before all this could be done, the Highland army might have reached Culcarick,195 and the hilly ground on the south side of the water above-mentioned, where regular troops could not easily overtake them, and where their canon and horse (in which their greatest superiority consisted) would have been of little use. That they found the Prince was resolved to fight the enemy without waiting for the succours that were soon expected, and without retiring to any strong ground, or endeavouring to draw the Duke of Cumberland's army farther from the sea, from whence he got all his provisions, that was brought about in ships which sailed along it as his army marched near the shore.
16 April.
For these reasons the gentlemen and most others, if not [fol. 435.] all, who were spoke to upon the subject, seemed to think the night attack might be attempted. But most of them thought they were in very bad circumstances at any rate, and no attempt could be more desperate than their present situation. Lord George Murray, about mid-day, desired Brigadier Stapleton and Colonel Ker to cross the Water of Nairn near where the army was drawn up (not far from the place where the battle was fought next day) to take a view of the hill ground on the south side of the water, which to him appeared to be steep and uneven, consequently much properer for Highlanders, for the ground they were drawn up upon was a large plain muir; and though in some places it was interspersed with bogues and deep ground, yet for the most part it was a fair field, and good for horse. After two or three hours, they returned and reported that the ground was rough and rugged, mossy and soft, so that no horse could be of use there; that the ascent from the water side was steep; and that there was about two or three places in about three or [fol. 436.] four miles where horse could cross, the banks being inaccessible. They could not tell what sort of ground was at a greater distance, but the country people informed them it was much like the other. Upon this information Lord George Murray proposed that the other side of the water should be the place for the army to be drawn up in line of battle next day; but this was not agreed to. It was said it was like shunning the enemy, being a mile further from the muir they were then upon and at a greater distance from Inverness, which it was resolved not to abandon, a great deal of baggage and ammunition being left there. This was before the resolution was taken of making the night attack. About seven at night an incident happened which had liked to have stopt their designed attempt, and upon it many were for giving it up as impracticable. The thing was this. Numbers of men went off to all sides, especially towards Inverness, and when the officers who were sent on horseback to bring them back came [fol. 437.] up with them, they could by no persuasion be induced to return again, giving for answer – they were starving; and said to the officers they might shoot them if they pleased, but they could not go back till they got meat. But the Prince continued keen for the attack, and positive to attempt it, and said there was not a moment to be lost; for as soon as the men should see the march begun, not one of them would flinch. It was near eight at night when they moved, which could not be sooner, otherwise they might have been perceived at a considerable distance, and the enemy have got account of their march. Lord George Murray was in the van. Lord John Drummond in the centre, and the Duke of Perth towards the rear, where also the Prince was, having Fitz-James's horse and others with him. Proper directions were given for small parties possessing all the roads, that intelligence might not be carried to the enemy. There were about two officers and thirty men of the MacIntoshes in the front as guides, and [fol. 438.] some of the same were in the centre and rear, and in other parts, for hindering any of the men from straggling. Before the van had gone a mile, which was as slow as could be to give time to the line to follow, there was express after express sent to stop them, for that the rear was far behind. Upon this the van marched still slower, but in a short time there came aide-de-camps and other officers to stop them, or at least make them go slower; and of these messages I am assured there came near an hundred before the front got near Culraick, which retarded them to such a degree that the night was far spent: for from the place the army began to march to Culraick was but six miles, and they had still four long miles to Nairn. It was now about one o'clock in the morning, when Lord John Drummond came up to the van and told there were several far behind; and, if they did not stop or go slower, he was afraid the rear would not get up. In a little [fol. 439.] time the Duke of Perth came also to the front, and assured that if there was not a halt the rear could not join. There was a stop accordingly. Lochiel had been mostly in the van all night, and his men were next the Athol men, who were in the front. These two bodies made about twelve hundred men. There were also several other officers that came up, there being a defile a little way behind occasioned by a wall of the wood of Culraick, which also retarded the march of those that were behind. The officers, talking of the different places of making the attack, said it was better to make the attempt with four thousand men before daybreak, as with double the number after it was light. Mr. O'Sullivan now having come up to the front, and it being now evident by the time the army had taken to march little more than six miles it would be impossible to make the other part of the road – which was about four miles – before it was clear day-light, besides the [fol. 440.] time that must be spent in making the disposition for the attack, as it could not be done by the army in the line by their long march. Mr. O'Sullivan said he had just then come from the Prince, who was very desirous the attack should be made; but as Lord George Murray had the van, and could judge the time, he left it to him whether to do it or not.
There were several volunteers present, who had walked all night in the front, such as Mr. Hepburn, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Anderson, and others; and as the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, and other officers seemed to be much difficulted what to resolve upon, Lord George Murray desired the rest of the gentlemen to give their opinions, for they were all deeply concerned in the consequence. It was agreed upon all hands that it must be sun-rise before the army could reach Nairn and form, so as to make an attempt upon the enemy's camp; for one part was to have passed the water a mile above the town, to have fallen upon them towards the sea-side. The [fol. 441.] volunteers were all very keen to march. Some of them said that the red-coats would be all drunk, as they surely had solemnised the Duke of Cumberland's birth-day; and that, though it were day-light, they would be in such confusion they would not withstand the Highlanders.
This opinion shewed abundance of courage, for these gentlemen would have been in the first rank had there been any attack. But the officers were of different sentiments, as severals of them expressed.196 Lochiel and his brother said they had been as much for the night attack as anybody could be, and it was not their fault that it had not been done; but blamed those in the rear that had marched so slow, and retarded the rest of the army. Lord George Murray was of the same way of thinking, and said, if they could have made the attack, it was the best chance they had, especially if they could have surprized the enemy. But to attack a camp that was near double their number in day-light, when they would [fol. 442.] be prepared to receive them, would be perfect madness.
By this time Mr. John Hay came up and told the line was joined. He was told the resolution was taken to return. He began to argue upon the point, but nobody minded him. This was the gentleman the army blamed for the distress they were in for want of provisions, he having had the superintendency of all these things from the time of Mr. Murray's illness, who had always been extremely active in whatsoever regarded the providing for the army. It was about two o'clock in the morning (the halt being not above a quarter of an hour) when they went back in two columns, the rear facing about, and the van taking another way. At a little distance they had a view of the fires of the Duke of Cumberland's camp; and, as they did not shun passing near houses as they had done in advancing, they marched very quick. Day-light began to [fol. 443.] appear about an hour after. They got to Culloden pretty early, so that the men had three or four hours' rest. They killed what cattle or sheep they could find; but few of them had time to make anything ready before the alarm came of the enemy's being upon their march and approaching. The horse of the Prince's army had been all on such hard duty for several days and nights before that none of them were fit for patroling. At that time, Fitz-James's horse and several others had gone to Inverness to refresh, so at first it was not known whether it was an advanced party or the Duke of Cumberland's whole army. However, the Highlanders got ready as quick as possible, and marched through the parks of Culloden in battalions (just as they chanced to be lying) to the muir on the south side, facing eastwards, and about half a mile farther back than where they had been drawn up the night before. Lord George Murray proposed once more to pass the Water of Nairn, as being the strongest ground, and much the fitter [fol. 444.] for Highlanders. Cluny, who was expected every moment, was to come on that side; but it was not agreed upon for the same reason given the day before. Lord George, speaking to Mr. O'Sullivan, he told him that he was afraid the enemy would have great advantage in that plain muir, both in their horse and canon. But he, O'Sullivan, answered that he was sure horse could be of no use, because there were several bogues and morasses; but the event proved otherwise. Mr. O'Sullivan drew up the army in line of battle (he being both adjutant and quarter-master-general), and having shown every battalion their place, the right closed to some inclosures near the Water of Nairn, and the left towards the parks of Culloden. I cannot justly tell what order they were drawn up in. There had been some disputes a day or two before about their rank, but nobody that had any regard for the common cause would insist upon such things upon that occasion. Those who had [fol. 445.] gone off the night before and early that morning to Inverness and other parts had now joined, and the Master of Lovat was come up with a considerable recruit of his men. It was observed that upon the right there were park walls, under cover of which so many of the enemy could draw up and flank the Highlanders. Lord George Murray, who commanded that wing, was very desirous to have advanced and thrown them down; but as this would have broke the line, and the enemy forming their line of battle near that place, it was judged by those about him too dangerous to attempt.
Both armies being fully formed, the canonading began on both sides, after which there was some small alteration made in the disposition of the two armies by bringing troops from the second line to the first, as both the ends advanced to out-flank one another. The Highlanders were much galled by the enemy's canon and were turned so impatient that they [fol. 446.] were like to break their ranks. Upon which it was judged proper to attack, and orders were given accordingly. The right wing advanced first as the whole line did much at the same time. The left wing did not attack the enemy, at least did not go in sword in hand, imagining they would be flanked by a regiment of foot and some horse, which the enemy brought up at that time from their second line or corps de reserve. When the right wing were within pistol-shot of the enemy they received a most terrible fire not only in front but also in flank by reason of those that were posted near the stone walls, notwithstanding of which they went on sword in hand, after giving their fire close to the enemy, and were received by them with their spontoons and bayonets. The two regiments of foot that were upon the enemy's left would have been cut to pieces had they not been immediately supported by other two regiments from their second line. As it was, these two regiments [fol. 447.] (being Barrel's and that called Monroe's) had by their own confession above two hundred men killed and wounded. Two regiments of dragoons coming in upon the same side entirely broke that wing of the Highlanders, and though three battalions of the right of the second line were brought up and gave their fire very well, yet the ground and everything else was so favourable for the enemy that nothing could be done but a total route ensued.