The Mozarts, Who They Were (Volume 1)

The cultural habits of farm life acquired in St. Gilgen and the environment of the impoverished in Salzburg must have certainly impacted Anna Maria's formation which highlights, as sources tell us, a certain spontaneous and simple zest for life combined with an enjoyment for crude banter, even to the point of exceedingly vulgar. These traits were passed on to her son, Wolfgang, as well as her "poetic" gift of rhyming all words related to the digestive and intestinal tract.

Following are a few fragments of a rhyming composition (in German) sent by the twenty-two year old Amadeus to his mother on 31 January 1778: "(...) They are also from people who carry crap in their belly/ but who let it out before, as well as after the revelry. They pass gas all night long/ in such a way as to resonate valiantly. (...) As of now we have left more than eight days ago/ and we have already shit in huge quantities.". In all fairness, it should be stated that their father was not immune to the same literary pinnacles, at least as far as the same vulgarity among members of the family.

Let us now look further into Anna Maria's "colorful eloquence". Following is one of the most famous examples. A segment of a letter that the fifty-three year old Mrs. Mozart sent from Munich to her husband, Leopold (who had remained in Salzburg): "Goodbye, my darling (the original in Italian -- A/N), be well, into your mouth your arse you'll shove. I hope you sleep well, but first shit in the bed until it explodes, it's already past one o'clock, now you can make a rhyme", Munich 26 September 1777. The translation from German, besides the explicit significance, doesn't allow us to understand the playful tone given that the text is in rhyming couplet and ends with a riddle of a fecal nature. This very same "poem" was later partially used by Wolfgang in the lyrics to one of the Canons composed around 1788 (in Vienna) for the amusement of his friends, "Bona nox! Bist a rechta Ox" ("Good night! You are a true ox"), in 4 voices a cappella.

Endowed with a limited culture (which was not uncommon among most of the population in that epoch, especially amidst the women), Anna Maria always possessed a subordinate role toward her husband, as well as her son, as was demonstrated during the journey to Paris (which, as we will see, proved fatal for her), during which she remained passive to the indications from her husband in Salzburg and the differing aspirations of Wolfgang. She didn't speak any language except her own "Salzburg" German. In fact, during the European journeys carried out by the family, she associated only with German expatriates at public or business functions.

We can discern a pleasant disposition. However, as far as culture and knowing her station in society (even with later attendance at the European courts which had most certainly helped refine her), she was lacking. Here is an example of her ungrammatical way of expressing herself in writing (and I do believe that her speech was similar): "(...) I hope that you and nanerl is well, what is my bimperl up to (the family dog, A/N), it's been awhile since I've not heard nothing about him..." Letter from Mannheim to her husband, 31 October 1777 as quoted by W. Hildesheimer. Though she did have the opportunity to refine her ways through her initial association with her circle of Salzburg friends of the family (the smaller local nobility, as well as the well-to-do high society) and later, with some of the principal European courts thanks to the exhibitions of the two child prodigy children.

Wolfgang's sister

Maria Anna Walburga Ignatia Mozart (1751 -- 1829) Wolfgang's sister, five years his elder, also had a musical formation that led her to become a very accomplished harpsichordist / pianist. Thanks to the Mozartian correspondence, we know that in the family she was usually called by the affectionate nickname of Nannerl (Nannina, Annetta). Her father began her musical formation at age seven, teaching her to play the harp and fortepiano, as well as voice lessons. While she was very close to her younger brother, with whom she undertook the first long European journeys in the role of one of the prodigious children, she was, however, taken less seriously by her father than her brother.

The reasons for this attitude, seen through modern eyes as certainly discriminatory, were at least two: as five years older than Wolfgang, Maria Anna inspired less of an impression as a "child prodigy" and consequently, her career was destined to be shorter term. Evidence of the favored treatment that their father used toward his son (and as can be observed today and which does not do Leopold Mozart honor), concerns two cases of illness and recovery. In November 1765, while returning from London on the first great journey that the entire family had embarked upon, Nannerl fell ill in Holland of a pulmonary disease that was so serious as to have her last rites given in danger of death. Fortunately, she recovered and Leopold then wrote to his trusted friend, Hagenauer, to have 6 masses celebrated in thanks at the various churches of Salzburg. The following month, again in Holland, Wolfgang fell ill with a sort of typhoid fever and after his recovery, Leopold ordered 9 masses of thanks to be celebrated, (3 more than those dedicated for the recovery of his daughter).

We can say that Leopold concentrated his "investment" of time, energy and expectations upon his son, younger and possibly more gifted; who knows if Nannerl would have contributed the same results as her brother if she had been as sustained and supported as him. In a letter from Wolfgang to his sister, we understand that she, too, was an active composer, but the correspondence of Leopold makes no mention of any compositions or creative activity of his daughter, which in any case were never attained. The artistic-creative level of Nannerl remains, at present, an unresolved mystery.

The second reason for the preferential treatment, typical of that epoch, had much to do with being a female. In that era, it was a common and undisputed school of thought that females were inferior and Leopold Mozart was no different in this way. In a letter dated 12 February 1756 to the publisher Lotter of Augsburg, Leopold complains of the delay in the printing of his book "Scuola di Violino", and writes: "Ah, if only Mrs. Lotter were able to arrange the typeface as well as she was able to deliver a male infant to the midwife instead of a half note. Oh, I know that my book would have been ready a long time ago" (the half note is the equivalent to a female infant rather than a male infant). Noteworthy is the consideration, equally common, that women were not able to reach excellence in art and that it was unsuitable for a woman of public morality to make her mark, living between continuous travels and encounters of all types. The objective was to be modest and find a good match to create a family which was seen as a priority compared to artistic talent.

As a matter of fact, Nannerl sacrificed her own career looking after her father after her mother's death, remaining subordinate to his wishes to the point that she even renounced her true love to the Captain of the Court Major Franz Armand d'Ippold, who had asked for her hand in marriage without first getting permission from her father, Leopold. She did, many years later, marry a widow with children much older than her who was well-received by her father.

It is interesting to note that the "musical relations" involved not only the male aspects of the families, but the female, as well. As Leopold Mozart, and later Wolfgang, were on friendly terms with Eberlin (organist and later Kapellmeister) and Adlgasser (Court Organist), their respective daughters were friends with Nannerl. In her diary, for example, she writes that on 26 September 1777, Waberl Eberlin paid her a visit and Viktoria Adlgasser styled her hair.

Having become too "old" to be a "child prodigy", she was relegated to Salzburg with her mother while her brother and father embarked on the three formative journeys to Italy. Then, later on, when Wolfgang went on his umpteenth journey to Munich and Paris accompanied by his mother (Leopold did not receive permission to take leave from work), she stayed behind in Salzburg with their father. No doubt, Maria Anna would remember for the rest of her life, with regret, the successes of her youth and the concerts at the European Courts where she performed solo and coupled with her brother. She continued to give piano lessons in order to contribute to the family budget and was copyist for her brother and father's music as was necessary for their travels.

The notations in her diary entries, before she married, though embellished with French middle class expressions with international pretensions such as "comedie, en visite, etc.", still convey a sense of sadness in the way she describes how her days passed between the death of a person, the arrival of an elephant in Salzburg or of a "dog doctor", combined with encounters with her friends who styled her hair, had a coffee together, accompanied her to the market, played cards or went range shooting...and of course, she looked after her father and the family dog, a fox terrier called Miss Pimperl, also known as Bimbes, as Wolfgang writes from Vienna in August 1773. On 3 September 1777, she writes in diary, that her day is limited to brushing her hair alone, mass at 10:30, the purchase of a string for her nightgown and a walk with a friend.

The bond with her brother, which was very strong in infancy and childhood, abated as Wolfgang matured. They grew even farther apart after his departure for Vienna in 1781, and especially after their father's death. In the letters that were discovered after Leopold's passing, it appears that Wolfgang, apart from his words regarding the circumstances, was principally interested in his part of the inheritance and was worried that there were not sufficient pecuniary calculations. In fact, once the assessment was finalized, he asked that payment be made in Viennese currency rather than Salzburg currency, giving him an advantage in the monetary exchange.

In 1784, at 33 years old (a decidedly advanced age for a girl to find a husband in that epoch), Nannerl married Johann Baptist von Berchtold zu Sonnenburg, fifteen years her senior and twice widowed with five children, who later had another three with her. Her husband descended from a family of recent and minor nobility. It appears that he wasn't a kind man, making married life less than happy for Maria Anna who also had the responsibility of raising her husband's children from his former marriages. After having refused all of his daughter's suitors, Leopold married her off out of convenience in exchange for 500 florins from von Bertchold as a "Morgengabe", (a promise sealed according to the German tradition made upon the morning after the wedding) and as praetium virginitatis (the price of the virginity of the bride).

After the wedding, Maria Anna moved to her mother's birthplace of St. Gilgen, just a few hours' carriage ride from Salzburg where her husband conducted his business as magistrate and where, in 1792, he obtained the title of Baron. We should clarify, however, that the noble titles of that era did not carry the weight and prestige of previous times. Titles were easily bestowed and were often purchased by well-to-do families who had become affluent.

Moreover, it should be remembered that Count Arco, famous for having dismissed Wolfgang Mozart with a kick in the seat of his pants, was indeed of noble lineage, but was nothing more than an official person in charge of ceremony and "Grand Master of Cooks" of the Prince-Archbishop (he governed the cooks, the servants...and the musicians). After the death of her husband in 1801, Maria Anna moved back to Salzburg where she resumed her activity as a piano teacher. In her last years, she became blind and died in 1829 at the age of seventy-eight.

Wolfgang's father

Johann Georg Leopold Mozart (1719 -- 1787) Born in the German city of Augsburg from the second marriage of Johann Georg Mozart, an artisan bookbinder, to Anna Maria Sulzer, who came from a family of textile workers that had moved to Augsburg from Baden-Baden. The Mozart family tree can be traced back three centuries to the Bavarian Swabia, geographically situated west of Munich, which comprised the surroundings of Augsburg and reached what are today's borders of Austria. Leopold's ancestors were farmers, bricklayers and craftsmen (textiles and bookbinders) who relocated from the Augsburg countryside to the city.

Leopold was the first born to Johann Georg Mozart and Anna Maria Sulzer. They had eight children of which only five survived from infancy. Unlike his siblings, who continued working in the family business as bookbinders, Leopold was intended to pursue a career in the clergy by his godfather, Johann Georg Grabher, Dean of the Duomo of Augsburg who noted his strong studious talents. Upon finishing elementary school, he was enrolled in 1727 at the Gymnasium which required a six year course of study. Leopold completed the program two years later than the established six years (it is not clear if the reason was due to illness or resistance to discipline and attitude toward the priesthood), though he did graduate in 1735 magna cum laude. In accordance with the times, we can assume that his cultural level was certainly superior to that of the average citizen. The Jesuit school was, in fact, recognized by the city and neighboring regions for its level of culture, so much so, that the children of the noble and upper-classes attended the institution.

The school curriculum foresaw multi-year courses in Latin and Greek, Philosophy, Logic, as well as Mathematics and Natural Sciences, Theology and Rhetoric. During Leopold's years of study, he also underwent a musical formation related to singing (he was a singer in religious ceremonies and theatrical exhibitions), keyboard instruments (organ and harpsichord) and the violin. It appears that he participated in various scholastic performances and in eight theatrical plays as an actor and singer.

It is important to highlight that in that epoch, instrumental education was not disassociated from the elements of composition, in consideration of the fact that the best instrumentalists were put to the test of their capacity to improvise. In order to accomplish this, they had to acquire at least the basics that would allow them to be proficient in moving on a harmonic series and to variate melodies by modulating within the closest keys. After the Gymnasium, Leopold was enrolled at the St. Salvator Lyceum of the Jesuits (a two or three year program), but upon the death of his father, he suspended his studies before the end of the first year.

At that point, he could have followed in his father's footsteps in the family bookbinding business or return to his studies and conclude his sacerdotal training. He was not, evidently, inclined toward either and decided to leave Augsburg (abandoning his widowed mother and younger siblings) and move to Salzburg where he enrolled in the local Benedictine University to study Philosophy and Law where he initially did well (he earned his Baccalaureate in Philosophy with magna cum laude in his Logic Exam on 22 July 1738). His enrollment documentation is on the registry at the Salzburg University: 7 December 1737, personal information, location of origin, previous studies, enrollment tax. The impoverished and meritorious students were exempt from the university enrollment tax. Leopold paid an enrollment tax of 45 kreutzers, a higher fee compared to the other students on the same list, who payed 30 or 40 kreutzers.

So he began his studies in Philosophy, a two-year course that included Logic, Ethics, and Physics (the Philosophy course was mandatory for all students, after which they could choose a final specialization of study: Theology, Law, Medicine). On 22 July 1738, during the stately ceremony held at 8 o'clock in the Great Hall of the University, the Baccalaureates (a sort of "pre" degree) were proclaimed in the order of their scores. Leopold ranked 49^th out of 54 students; he was not the most brilliant graduate.

Something, however, led him astray from his university engagements (possibly musical studies, his true passion? Or had he met the woman who was to become his wife? Probably both of these elements had an impact on him) and in 1739 he was expelled from the university for a lack of commitment and poor attendance. He reappears later in the role of valet de chambre with the job of violin musician for Count Johann Baptist von Thurn-Valsassina and Taxis, Canonical of the Cathedral. During those years of study and musical insight and depth, not to mention being self-taught as we have no mention of his teachers' names (with the exception of some probable supervision from his acquaintance, Eberlin, who was the organist for the Court and then Kapellmeister), he composed his first works: the six Church and Chamber sonatas op. 1, dedicated to his "master", a commonly used expression that in that epoch.

He also challenged himself in the composition of singer; vocal pieces with soloists and a chorus accompanied by an organ and numerous instruments. The ambition and the perseverance were not lacking if three years later, in 1743, Leopold Mozart was hired as fourth violin in the orchestra of the Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg, Leopold Anton Freiherr von Firmian. Thanks to this post, initially without a salary, eventually guaranteed a regular income and even if he was not wealthy, he was able to marry Anna Maria Pertl in 1747. The violinists were also interrelated with the violin and piano teachers to the young members of the chorus of the Cathedral, an experience that proved useful for future teaching abilities: the instruction provided for his own children and his drafting methods for the violin, which beheld its first edition in 1756, the year of Wolfgang's birth. His career seemed to be progressing at a good pace.

In 1758, he was promoted to second violin in the Princely Orchestra and Composer of the Court with an average annual salary of 400 guldens (florins). And finally, in 1763, the Prince Archbishop Siegmund Christoph von Schrattenbach, to which he had dedicated his text "A Treatise on the Fundamental Principles of Violin Playing", nominated him Vice-Kapellmeister. To give an idea of the relative salaries of the musicians in that period, imagine that in 1759, when Franz Joseph Haydn was at the service of Count von Morzin, he earned 200 florins annually and in 1761, when he served Prince Hesterhazy as Vice-Kapellmeister, he earned 400 florins annually.

It was in 1763 that Leopold began requesting long paid leaves of absence to take his children on tour in the role of child prodigies. He dedicated his life to musical education and to the success of his children, glorifying himself and maybe excessively proud toward the Salzburg community for his early success (which was by him abundantly emphasized in his letters that he attentively sent to his employer and fellow citizens).

The humiliation of not succeeding in obtaining the coveted position of Kapellmeister transformed his personality into that of a perpetually suspicious man, always ready and waiting to complain about real or presumed intrigues that would threaten him or his children. Conversely, the arrogance in which he expressed himself as too sure of himself and his opinions, rendered him unpopular to many, both in Salzburg and in the European Courts where he spent time. This character trait was evidently passed on to his son, who often behaved haughtily toward the other musicians, regarding without exception, all of them, as inferior to him.

Leopold Mozart: man, musician, teacher, father

The man

The ambitious character and his justifiably human element of envy distinguished Leopold as a man who was perpetually dissatisfied with his condition, which may possibly be due to the influence of the characteristic attributes of the Suevians, who were described as moody while at the same time obstinate in their pursuit of attaining their goal, not to mention crafty (and of this craftiness, especially in business, we find ample testimony in the epistolary of which we will examine in the following chapters of this book). His cultural formation which was reasonably born from the Age of Enlightenment, allowed him a glimpse of a potential reality made up of hypocrites who supported the weak and the worthy.

Life's reality, exposed and often lived unhappily like an insult to the artistic propositions offered by the Mozart family, saw him arouse enthusiasm for the great praise, the gifts and the honors received. But also to gradually assess the distance between promises made by the nobility and the relative decisions, among them the sudden infatuation for his children's' extraordinary gifts (especially that of Wolfgang) and the likewise abrupt about-face of a shallow aristocracy, ever ready to welcome the "newest arrival" which over-shadowed whoever was in the limelight (especially if, like Wolfgang, one was not able to manage the delicate balance of the relations with he who felt superior by privilege).

He was certainly, as reported by many, a man "who was difficult to feel a fondness for" and "of a sarcastic spirit", even if he had many friends that spent time with him and who held him in high esteem. No doubt they had the patience to listen to his repetitive recriminations against whoever did not recognize the merits that he believed to possess. Dominikus Hagenauer, son of a friend and the Mozart's landlord of their apartment in Getreidegasse, writes in his diary upon the occasion of the death of Leopold: "He was a man of great intelligence and wisdom (...) who in his own homeland had the misfortune of being the victim of persecution and was appreciated less by us than in other great European cities". These words seem to resonate with the complaints of Leopold, as well as the descriptions of his astounding successes (according to him naturally, given that his word was often not confirmed by witnesses) during the course of his journeys. Descriptions, it should be remembered, that were included in the letters sent to Hagenauer's father (and re-proposed who knows how many times upon return from his travels) that were destined to be disseminated, as expressly arranged by Leopold Mozart to the Salzburg people until they reached the Archiepiscopal throne.

In truth, even outside of Salzburg, Leopold Mozart did not always receive testimony of a kind character. In a letter from Vienna written by the musician Johann Adolph Hasse in September 1769, we find a description which is, all in all, quite favorable: "a man spirited, crafty and masterful...he is refined and courteous as are his children", though the term "crafty" may possibly not be the most flattering interpretation. A year later, Hasse revises his opinion in a letter from Naples (where Leopold and Wolfgang were staying during the course of their first journey to Italy): "The father? From what I gather, he is in any case constantly dissatisfied, even while here, he made the same complaints; he is a bit too devoted to his son and does, therefore, do his best to spoil him".

Leopold's subtle inclination to rebellion, likewise criticized in Wolfgang's character, was witnessed by those who knew him, such as his classmate from youth, Franziskus Freysinger, who remembers him as "a good and honest man", and also with quite a lot of admiration for "how he made fun of the priests regarding their vocation (the priesthood -- A/N)". The rebellious character and probably a bit of impudence in his youth seem to reflect in his records from the Dean at the University of Salzburg that cite his expulsion for having attended his lessons only once or twice, noting that the young Leopold "received his sentence and walked off as if he were indifferent".

The choice to abandon his family and his birthplace after the death of his father (possibly an escape from responsibility and authority?) combined with the shame fallen upon the family members due to his expulsion from the University and the choice to follow a career as Chamberlain and Court Musician were surely not unrelated to his future relations with his mother. He testifies to the fact that she refused him his dowry in the amount of the rather large sum of 300 florins, as she had alternatively done on the occasion of the weddings of his siblings.

We will talk more about this later, as well as the lies written over the same period of time for the request for income by the state of Augsburg and for a permit to marry. Within the letters of the epistolary, we find more than one topic. His widowed mother (who had a cantankerous and quarrelsome personality much like her son) and his siblings survived, at any rate, without particular problems related to his radical choice. Only one of his brothers wrote in request for the occasional loan, which was either granted against his will or refused by Leopold, in less than a Christian manner.

His religious ideals, seeing as we have reached this topic, were ever present in his letters (let us not forget that he lived in a religious princedom and was completely dependent on the benevolence of the Archbishop, his "master"). He certainly respected the concepts of his faith rather than what they truly represented. We find the outbursts of his mindset as proof within the epistolary where he reveals disdain of anyone who wore a cassock, as well as in the episode of the publication in 1753 of an anonymous allegation against two members of the Salzburg clergy.

Leopold was summoned to the magistrate of the Cathedral, accused of being the author of the offensive pamphlet (let us not forget that he lived in a police state where monitoring and informing were efficient) and was forced to apologize in order to avoid prison, while the pamphlet was ripped to shreds in front of him.

This episode, combined with his irritable personality, may have had something to do with the difficulty he faced in building his career, given that on many occasions, others were chosen over him for positions to which he aspired. Concerning his faith, his invocation of God and the desire in which he filled his letters appear somewhat methodical, more like the acceptance of a zealous faith relative to how much the society expected of a good Christian. The fact that he had paid to have masses celebrated upon the occasion for the recovery from illness, as well as gaining favor for the successful outcome of Wolfgang's compositions appears to have been more of a utilitarian attitude (which was certainly common in those times, as it is today) than an act of deeply felt faith.

Personal prayers would have been sufficient rather than delegating others to reach his objectives. Why did he have the masses celebrated in Salzburg when he could have had them done in the locations where he was residing, at least on those occasions when he was in Catholic regions? Could it have been one way of showing off his religious devotion to the citizens? Regarding his "Christian" habit of telling lies and embellishing reality to his advantage is testified by numerous true facts of his life, such as giving younger ages of one or two years of his children during their presentations as "child prodigies" or presenting himself as Kapellmeister while abroad when he was only the Vice.

One last example shows us how since his youth, Leopold had no second thoughts about lying or twisting the truth to his advantage whenever it was convenient for him. In 1747, Leopold was 28 years old and necessitated renewal for his citizenship in Augsburg from the City Council (those who moved away were obliged to renew this permit every three years) and the authorization to reside in Salzburg and to marry (even if he was already married before sending his request and without the permission of his mother, who was never to forgive him) all while keeping citizenship in his birthplace.

Well, in his request he told a series of lies, claiming that his father was alive and well (he had already passed away) and that he had recently moved to Salzburg to continue his studies at the Benedictine University (in truth, he had gone to Salzburg ten years earlier by his own will and against his mother's wishes and had furthermore already suspended his studies). Moreover, he claimed to have endorsements by the Princely Archiepiscopal Court (which he did not possess) and maintained having married the daughter of a wealthy citizen (as we have seen, his wife came from an anything but wealthy family). But we will further discuss this aspect related to his lies and manipulation of the truth, based on what emerges in the epistolary.

To complete the description of Leopold Mozart, we shouldn't forget about his cultural interests. During the course of his travels, he never missed an occasion to visit monuments, museums, works of art in private palaces of which he talks about in the epistolary (the Sistine Chapel in Rome, the paintings by Rubens in Brussels, etc.). He was also interested in the scientific progress of his epoch, staying informed by attending the experimental demonstrations offered by the University of Salzburg to the courtiers, as well as purchasing instruments such as a microscope. He was also interested in pharmacology, so much so, that he brought a collection of powders and recipes with him on his trips to heal the most common diseases, curing himself and his children, unless the severity of the disease didn't require the intervention of a "medicus". If he wasn't able to administer the therapy himself, he would communicate by letter, going into detailed description and at great length to explain to Wolfgang (who was in that period in Munich with his mother) how to cure a phlegmy cough.