CHAPTER IV
"I shall gladly tell you all."
"The less reserve on your part, the greater my thanks."
"I was one of those who were persecuted on account of what at that time was called demagogism.
"The soldier who guarded me-he is now a servant in my employ-informed me that I had been sentenced to death, and offered to change clothes with me, in order that I might escape. I refused the offer and remained. We were not sentenced to death, but to imprisonment for ten years. Ten years! A long, long night stared us in the face.
"Your Highness has taken me by the hand. Your father declared that he would never voluntarily offer his hand to me or my confederates, although it were necessary to do so if we meant to give him a pledge of our allegiance.
"You cannot remember the circumstance.
"After being imprisoned for five years, we were pardoned, and I and two of my prison-mates were elected members of the Parliament.
"The Jurists objected to our assuming the privileges of citizenship.
"The House which acknowledged our election was dissolved, naturally enough, by Metternich's order. A new one met, and, as we had in the meanwhile been re-elected, it confirmed the validity of our election. Your father-I fully acknowledge his many acts of benevolence-was obliged to extend his hand to us in order that we might take the oath.
"There are no words that fitly describe the wicked man who lived in the imperial city, and to whom the sovereign German princes were obedient subjects. In future days it will seem incredible, that, in obedience to orders from Vienna, the German princes ordered our youth, under heavy penalties, to desist from improving their physical strength by gymnastic exercises.
"Perhaps you never knew that even singing clubs were forbidden, and that officials who had been connected with them were regarded with suspicion.
"Is it conceivable that a government which forbids physical development by means of gymnastics, and spiritual elevation by means of song, can for a moment have faith in its own stability?
"I am not easily moved to hatred; but, even now, the name of that man fills me with indignation.
"What crime had we been guilty of? Why, only this: with a youthful confidence in solemn promises, we had simply held fast to the idea that Germany had freed itself from the Corsican yoke in order to become a free, united empire.
"You cannot conceive, your Highness, how many noble-hearted men were thrown into dungeons, or driven into exile in those days. Who can measure what noble gifts ran to waste.
"When I think of these things, a sad picture presents itself to my mind's eye.
"Among our fellow-prisoners at the fortress, there was a young man who had already begun to lecture at the university.
"His father was an eminent philologist, and had been removed from his professorship for permitting himself, while lecturing, to indulge in expressions in favor of liberty. In a material sense, he was, fortunately, well-to-do. His family owned a large estate in the forest country, whither he repaired, taking with him his collections of antiques and his books.
"The son sickened while in prison, and a wasting fever undermined his youthful strength; and, as his days were numbered, the physician at the fortress requested the authorities to release him.
"I have positive information-as the sister of that young man afterward became my wife-that our Prince, your father, was willing to grant the discharge. But, before it could be carried into effect, it was necessary to ask for Metternich's permission-and Metternich refused it.
"The commandant of the fortress held me in great esteem, and permitted me, on his own responsibility, to be placed in the same cell with the sick prisoner.
"I nursed him faithfully, and watched his every movement. I shall never care to recall the thoughts that passed through my mind during the long days, and still longer nights, that I passed at his bedside. He was slowly sinking; for confinement was killing him, and yet no word of complaint ever fell from his lips.
"His father came and-could you imagine it? – was not allowed to converse with his son except in the presence of a guard.
"Then came his sister, only fifteen years old-but of that no matter at present.
"The noble martyr died. He was buried in the village at the foot of the fortress.
"While these things were going on, there was dancing and dining at Court, and Metternich was writing witty billet-doux.
"You, of course, have never heard of these things.
"Through the bars of our prison, we could look out into the fortress-yard and see the coffin placed on the wagon that was to carry it to the grave. But why should I revive the anger and sense of disgrace that filled our hearts at that moment? And who, on the other hand, would have the right to condemn us prisoners if, when at last free, we should indulge in deeds of vengeance?
"Your Highness will understand that I am only telling you of these matters so that you may have an idea of the sacrifices that were made to bring about the result which is now to be consummated through a struggle of life and death."
"I know it-I know it well; pray go on."
I plucked up my courage and continued: "My parents died while I was a prisoner. When I was at last discharged, I had lost all taste for a clerical calling. I was down in the village standing by the smithy, saw the blazing fire and watched the heavy hammers, and I yearned for just such hard manual labor. I begged the smith to take me as his apprentice, and he at once handed me a hammer. I was there but a week, when the father of the young man who had died in prison came and took me to his estate."
"And you married his daughter?"
"Yes."
"And does she still live?"
"No; she died, as I am unfortunately forced to believe, through grief on account of the desertion of our youngest son just before the war of 1866."
"I know it, I know it. I hear that your son is serving in the French army in Algiers? I know," he said, interrupting himself when he saw my painful agitation, "what grief this son has caused you. If it were in your power to send him word, he might, if he would deliver himself up of his own will, be received back into the army with some trifling punishment, and might afterward by his bravery distinguish himself, and all would be well again. But, of course, at present, communication is impossible either through diplomatic or private channels."
I was obliged to admit that I did not know of Ernst's whereabouts.
Strange it is how a poet's words will suddenly come to one's aid.
"My son is like a different man,'" said I, with the words taken from the history of my friend; and I was myself astonished by the tone in which I spoke. I had enough self-command to say that our present troubles required that all should be united, and, that we should, therefore, not complicate them by introducing our own personal interests; nor did I conceal the fact that I had lived down my sorrow on account of Ernst, and had almost ceased to be haunted by the thought of him. It pained me, nevertheless, to listen to the well-rounded, sentences in which the Prince praised the Roman virtue that indulged my love of country at the expense of my feelings as a father. He seemed pleased with this conceit of his, and repeated it frequently. I felt quite disenchanted.
Thoughts of Ernst almost made me forget where I was, or what I was saying, until the Prince requested me to resume my story, unless I found it too fatiguing.
I continued:
"When I think of the times before 1830, I see opposed to each other extravagant enthusiasm and impotence, courageous virtue and cowardly vice, chaste and devoted faith in the ideal, and mockery, ridicule, and frivolous disbelief in all that was noble-the one side cherishing righteousness, the other scoffing at it. In other words, on the one side, Uhland; on the other, Metternich.
"My relations with my family, with the community in which I lived, and even in a wider circle, were happy enough. But the thought of my distracted Fatherland remained, and filled my heart with grief that could not be assuaged. I lived and suffered for the general good, and my associates did the like; but the storm-cloud was always impending over us, and we were obliged to learn how to go about our daily work with fresh and cheerful hearts, although danger threatened; to be patient for the sake of the people, and to look into our own hearts for strength.
"The best men of our Fatherland were deeply anxious to be up and doing, but we were condemned to the worst lot of all: a life-long opposition.
"While we were languishing for healthy political action, our minds were filled with a bitter and consuming protest against the miserable condition of our affairs.
"It is hard when one's whole being is in conflict with his surroundings."
I went on to tell him of the great hopes that the spring of 1848 had inspired us with, and that I, too, had had the good fortune to be permitted to assist in building up the great Fatherland, and to have been in the confidence of the best men of my time. I told him of the sad days when our so-called "Rump Parliament" was dispersed by the soldiers, and also spoke of my son Ludwig.
"I understand that your son has become a man of great ability and force of character, and that he distinguished himself in the war with the slave States?" said the Prince.
I was surprised to find how well he was informed.
And then the Prince added, in an animated voice: "You are an enthusiastic friend of Prussia?"
"I am; for in Prussia I recognize the backbone of our national existence; she is not prepossessing, but steadfast and reliable.
"I lived at the time of the war of liberation; many who were of my age took part in the war that saved us. Our section stood with Napoleon, but Prussia saved Germany. She has dallied a great while before claiming her reward for that service; but at last she receives it."
The Prince arose, and, resting both hands on his writing-table, said, "That is the very reason I sent for you. Both they and we-both high and low-must extinguish the memories of 1866. We have all much to forgive, and much to learn."
And then the Prince asked me whether I believed that the majority of the House of Delegates agreed with us?
I was obliged to express my doubts on that head.
"I have made up my mind, however," exclaimed the Prince, "whether the delegates agree with me, or otherwise. You are an old, tried soldier. Are you ready to ally yourself with me-no, not with me-with the Fatherland?"
"How?"
"Call it a coup d'etat, if you choose-we dare not let names frighten us-these are times in which legal forms must be disregarded. Are you willing to accept the presidency of my cabinet, so that your fair name may lend its lustre to my actions? You shall bear testimony to my love of country."
"I am willing, your Highness, to sacrifice the short span of life that is yet left me; but I am not an adept in state affairs."
"That is no matter; others will attend to that. What I require is the moral influence of your presence. Your son-in-law, Colonel Karsten, is willing to accept the portfolio of Secretary of War."
I informed the Prince that I would be obliged to insist on important conditions: not from distrust of him, but of his noble associates who had deserted us in 1848, and had used us liberals as cat's-paws.
I told him that, in my opinion, Germany would either emerge from this war as a great power, or disappear from the roll of nations.
"We hope for the best, and we must conquer, for defeat would be destruction."
As a first condition, I requested the Prince to give me a written assurance that he resigned all privileges which would interfere with German unity.
He smiled. I do not know whether it was in scorn, or whether he had not heard my last words. He rose, placed his hand on my shoulder, and said, "You are a good man."
I, too, was obliged to smile, and answered, "What else should I be, your Highness?"
"Is not what you demand of me equivalent to an abdication?"
"No; it is nothing more than retiring to the position held by the princes before domestic dissensions enabled Louis XIV. to wrest Alsace and Lorraine from the German Empire."
It was with an air of embarrassment that the Prince said:
"Here is my hand. I have a right to do this, and desire to be the first to hail the victorious King of Prussia as Emperor."
The Prince touched a bell, and a lackey entered, whom he told to bid Colonel Karsten come.
My son-in-law Minister of War, and I president of the cabinet! Was it all a dream? My eye fell on the picture of the deceased Princess, and it seemed to resemble Gustava and to smile upon me.
The Colonel entered. He remained standing, in the erect attitude of a soldier.
The Prince informed him, in a few words, that we agreed with each other, and submitted a proclamation with which the Chamber was to be dissolved, in case the majority should decide for neutrality. For the present, this was to be kept a secret.
The Prince then withdrew.
Arm in arm with my son-in-law, I returned to my dwelling.
To think of all that had happened to me during that one day
Could this be myself? I could scarcely collect my senses.
Ludwig had not returned, and I was almost glad that it was so, for I was not permitted to reveal what had been secretly determined on.
Martella was still awake. She came to meet me with the words:
"Father, you have heard news of Ernst. Did the Prince give you his pardon?"
I could not conceive how the child could have had this presentiment, and when I asked her, she told me that a brother of the porter at Annette's house had returned from Algiers and had told her about Ernst.
I could not enter into Martella's plans. What mattered the life of a son, or the yearning affection of a girl? I scarcely heard what she said-my heart was filled to overflowing; there was no room left for other cares.
One memory was revived. Years ago, the Privy Councillor had told me that I was well thought of at court. At that time it was scarcely probable. But could it have been true, after all?
Morning was dawning when I reached my bed. I felt that I would never again be able to sleep, and only wished that I might live a few days longer, so that, if nothing else was left, I might plunge myself into the yawning abyss for the sake of my country.
It was fortunate that the session was not to begin until noon. I slept until I was called.
CHAPTER V
The Colonel came and told me that the troops were under orders.
I was startled. I shuddered at the idea of using force against our fellow-citizens, and felt as if I could by my own strength, oppose and conquer the demon of dissension. I felt assured that I must succeed, and as confident as if success had already been achieved.
Ludwig accompanied me through the streets; they were even more crowded than on the day before.
Annette and Martella had preceded us, in order to secure good seats. It was with difficulty that we forced our way through the crowd. Ludwig was obliged to shake hands with many whom we met, and was often greeted by men whom he did not recognize, and who seemed annoyed that, in spite of the changes that twenty-one years had made in them, he did not at once address them by their names.
A company of soldiers were mounting guard before, the House of Parliament. Ernst Rontheim, son of the Privy Councillor, was in command. He saluted me in military fashion.
I gazed upon the vigorous youth, with his ruddy face and bright eyes, and asked myself: "Will he this very day be forced to command his troops to fire upon his fellow-citizens?" Did he know how full of danger his post was? It required a great effort, on my part, to refrain from speaking to him. At that moment, the minister of war arrived, and the young officer called out, "Present arms!"
In the ante-chamber, and in the restaurant attached to the House, there were many groups engaged in lively and animated discussions, in which the speakers accompanied their remarks by forcible gesticulations.
The three members who had been fellow-prisoners o f mine at the fortress, were still faithfully attached to me. The one whom we had termed "The Philosopher" had distinguished himself by new theories in political science, and the other two were eminent lawyers.
Only one of the members of the old student corps had gone over to the radicals, but he was recognized as the most independent and the purest of men, and was everywhere spoken of as "Cato."
The others had remained true to our colors; and one who was known as Baribal called out "What! Bismarck? If that black devil will bring about union, I shall sell my soul to him!"
I spoke with "Cato," when no others were by, and he frankly confessed that he feared that this war would strengthen monarchism, and that, therefore, he still was, and ever would be, a republican.
"We have, thus far, been forced to act against our wishes, and have complained in secret," he said, "but if we conquer in this war, we shall have voluntarily become subjects, and be happy in the favor of their high mightinesses. I am not a subject, and do not wish to become one."
He gave me a fierce look, and I felt obliged to tell him that he could not be at his ease while receiving honors from people whom he despised.
He did not feel that war was inevitable, but was inclined to favor it, if the German princes would promise that the constitution of the German Empire, as proposed in the Frankfort Parliament, would be adopted in the event of our success.
"Cato" assured me that even if we were to bring about a union, it would be such only in name. Organic life cannot become a harmonious whole unless there is freedom of action; and therefore, we must, first of all, insist on guarantees for freedom.
"Why do you," said he in conclusion, "who aided and abetted the Frankfort Parliament, never mention it?"
When I told him that this was political orthodoxy, he paid no regard to what I said.
Funk once furtively looked towards me, and then turned to his neighbor, with whom he conversed in a low voice.
Various members who, it was evident, desired to take the lead, were walking up and down absorbed in thought.
I heard that telegrams had been received to the effect that France would not consent to further delay, and insisted that all must be absolutely neutral or else avowedly take sides.
Loedinger, my former prison-mate, approached me and said that it would be necessary to prevent any conclusion being reached on that day, and that we should govern ourselves by the course that the neighboring state decided upon.
I asked him whether the party had determined on this. He said, "No," and told me that his only object was to bring about a postponement in case the probable issue seemed adverse to us.
I felt that this would be impossible. I entered the chamber more agitated than I have ever been. I had never in all my life been obliged to conceal anything, and now I had to face my associates with a weighty secret on my mind. I saw the ministers enter and take their seats, and could not help thinking, "You will soon be seated there."
One minister whom we knew to be of our party came down to where I was sitting and shook hands with me. He spoke with confidence and hopefulness.
I noticed Funk pointing at me, and could hear the loud laughter that followed on the part of the group that surrounded him.
The President took his seat; the ringing of the bell agitated me; the decisive moment approached.
I looked up. Annette nodded to me. Richard was seated at her side.
I was obliged to drive out all roving thoughts, for it was now necessary to concentrate all my energies on one object.
The proceedings began. My friend Loedinger, who had been seated at my side, was the first speaker, and supported the motion in favor of taking the field. He spoke with great fervor, and invoked the spirits of those who had gone before us.
"Would that the mighty spirits of the past could descend to us this day," were his words, while his own utterances were those of a spirit pure and beyond reproach. When he finished his remarks, a storm of applause followed. I grasped his hand; it was cold as ice.
Funk requested the President to preserve order in the galleries, and said that this was not a Turners' festival.
The President reminded him that he knew his duty, and meant to perform it, and that Funk, in his eagerness, had only anticipated him.
The next speaker was "Cato." He unearthed all the grievances that Prussia had inflicted on the patriots. He called on the spirits of those who had fallen during the war of 1866, and said they might well ask those who now counselled aiding Prussia, "Are you willing to stand side by side with those who murdered us in a fratricidal war?"
When he closed, it was evident that his words had deeply moved the assembly.
I was the next to have the floor, and explained that, although brothers may quarrel among themselves, they are brethren nevertheless, and that, when an insolent neighbor endeavors to invade and destroy their home, they must unite to defend it. Addressing my opponents, I exclaimed, "You know full well what the decision will be, and I am loth to believe that you desire to embarrass or disgrace it by opposition and dissension."
Great excitement followed this remark, and prevented me from going on. I was called to order, but the President decided that my remarks had not been personal.
I endeavored to keep calm, and to weigh every word before uttering it.
In spite of this resolution, I forgot myself, and aroused a perfect storm of anger, when I expressed my deepest convictions in the following words:
"You who are seated on the other side do not believe in neutrality. Ask yourselves whether this be an honest game that you are playing. Neutrality is a hypocritical word which, translated into honest German, means willingness to aid France, a Rhenish confederation, and treason to the Fatherland!"
I was called to order and was obliged to admit that I had gone a little too far.
The President interrupted the debate, and inquired whether the Chamber would permit him to read a telegram which had just been received, and was of some importance in relation to the subject under consideration.
"No! No!" "We are debating this among ourselves!" "Our deliberations must be free and untrammelled!" "No outside parties have a right to interfere!" cried the one side.
"Yes! Yes!" "Let us have it!" "Read it to us!" cried the others, and all was confusion.
The President at last restored order, and then informed us that the telegram was from the House of Parliament of the neighboring state. He desired to know whether he might read it to the assembly. He would permit no debate on the subject; those who were in favor of the reading, would simply rise.
The majority arose, and Loedinger was almost trembling with emotion when he grasped my hand and said, "Brother, the day is ours!"
The President read the telegram. It was to the effect that a small though decided majority of the Parliament of the next state had determined that their forces should take the field.
Then followed, both on the floor and in the galleries, a few moments of terrible confusion and excitement.
Order was at last restored, and the President announced that the business would now be proceeded with.
I had the floor.
"Make no speech-ask for a vote at once," said Loedinger, as I arose. I acted on his advice.
The vote was taken; the majority was ours.
Loud shouts of joy filled the air, but I felt happier than all the rest. I had been saved from a fearful danger.
Annette's carriage stood in a by-street, awaiting us. We rode to our dwelling, and, when I reached there, I felt like one who, after long and weary wandering over hill and dale, can at last sit down and rest. And while I sat there, with myriad thoughts passing through my brain, I could not help thinking, "The dream of my youth has repeated itself-they only tried the mantle on me."
Shortly after that, Ludwig returned home to join his wife and to look after his workmen.