[B.C. 43 (a. u. 711)]
Brutus, taking charge of these, led an expedition against Antonius, who was in Apollonia: the latter came out to meet him, whereupon Brutus won over his soldiers and confined him within the walls, whither he fled before him. After this Antonius was by betrayal taken alive, but no harm was done to him. [-22-] Close upon this success the victor acquired all of Macedonia and Epirus, and then despatched a letter to the senate, stating what had been accomplished, and placing himself, the provinces, and the soldiers at its disposal. The senators, who by chance already felt suspicious of Caesar, praised him strongly and bade him govern all that region. When, then, he had confirmed his leadership by the decree, he himself felt more encouraged and he found his subjects ready to support him unreservedly. For a time he communicated with Caesar, when the latter appeared to be hostile to Antony, urging him to resist his enemy and be reconciled with him (Brutus), and he was making preparations to sail to Italy because the senate summoned him. After Caesar, however, had matters thoroughly in hand in Rome, and proceeded openly to take vengeance on his father's slayers, Brutus remained where he was, deliberating how he should successfully ward off the other's attack when it occurred: and besides managing admirably the other districts as well as Macedonia, he calmed the minds of his legions when they had been thrown into a state of discontent by Antonius. [-23-] For the latter, although his conqueror had not even deprived him of a praetor's perquisites, did not enjoy keeping quiet in safety and honor, but connived at a revolt among the soldiers of Brutus. Being discovered at this work before he had done any great harm, he was stripped of his praetor's insignia, and delivered to be guarded without confinement that he might not cause an uprising. Yet not even then did he remain quiet, but concocted more schemes of rebellion than ever, so that some of the soldiers came to blows with one another and others started for Apollonia after Antonius himself, in the intention of rescuing him. This, however, they were unable to do: Brutus had learned in advance from some intercepted letters what was to be done and by putting him into an enclosed chair got him out of the way on the pretence that he was moving a sick man. The soldiers, not being able to find the object of their search, in fear of Brutus seized a point of high ground commanding the city. Brutus induced them to come to an understanding, and by executing a few of the most audacious and dismissing others from his service he set matters in such a light that the men arrested and killed those sent away, on the ground that they were most responsible for the sedition, and asked for the surrender of the quaestor and the lieutenants of Antonius. [-24-] Brutus did not give up any of the latter, but put them aboard boats with the avowed intention of drowning them, and so conveyed them to safety. Fearing, however, that when they should hear the next news of more terrifying transactions in Rome they might change their attitude, he delivered Antonius to a certain Gaius Clodius to guard, and left him at Apollonia. Meanwhile Brutus himself took the largest and strongest part of the army and retired into upper Macedonia, whence he later sailed to Asia, to the end that he might remove his men as far as possible from Italy and support them on the subject territory there. Among other allies whom he won over at this time was Deiotarus, although he was of a great age and had refused assistance to Cassius. While he was delaying here a plot was formed against him by Gellius Poplicola, and Mark Antony sent some men to attempt to rescue his brother. Clodius, accordingly, as he could not guard his prisoner safely, killed him, either on his own responsibility, or according to instructions from Brutus. For the story is that at first the latter made his safety of supreme importance, but later, learning that Decimus had perished, cared nothing more about it. Gellius was detected, but suffered no punishment. Brutus released him because he had always held him to be among his best friends and knew that his brother, Marcus Messala, was on very close terms with Cassius. The man had also attacked Cassius, but had suffered no evil in that case, either. The reason was that his mother Polla learned of the plot in advance, and being very fearful lest Cassius should be overtaken by his fate (for she was very fond of him) and lest her son should be detected, voluntarily informed Cassius of the plot herself beforehand, and received the preservation of her son as a reward. His easy escapes, however, did not improve him at all, and he deserted his benefactors to join Caesar and Antony. [-25-] As soon as Brutus learned of the attempt of Mark Antony and of the killing of his brother, he feared that some other insurrection might take place in Macedonia during his absence, and immediately hastened to Europe. On the way he took charge of the territory which had belonged to Sadalus (who died childless and left it to the Romans), and invaded the country of the Bessi, to see if he could at the same time recompense them for the trouble they were causing and surround himself with the name and reputation of imperator, which would enable him to fight more easily against Caesar and Antony. Both projects he accomplished, being chiefly aided by Rhascuporis, a certain prince. After going thence into Macedonia and making himself master of everything there, he withdrew again into Asia.
[B.C. 44 (a. u. 710)]
[-26-] Brutus besides doing this had stamped upon the coins which were being minted his own likeness and a helmet and two daggers, indicating by this and by the inscription that in company with Cassius he had liberated his country. At that same period Cassius had crossed over to Trebonius in Asia ahead of Dolabella, and after securing money from him and a number of the cavalry whom Dolabella had sent before him into Syria attached to his cause many others of the Asiatics and Cilicians. As a result he brought Tarcondimotus30 and the people of Tarsus into the alliance, though they were reluctant. For the Tarsians were so devoted to the former Caesar (and out of regard for him to the second also) that they had changed the name of their city to Juliopolis after him. This done, Cassius went to Syria, and without striking a blow assumed entire direction of the nations and the legions.
[B.C. 43 (a. u. 710)]
The situation in Syria at that time was this. Caecilius Bassus, a knight, who had made the campaign with Pompey and in the retreat had arrived at Tyre, continued to spend his time there, incognito. On 'Change. Now Sextus was governing the Syrians, for Caesar, since he was quaestor and also a relative of his, had entrusted to his care all Roman interests in that quarter on the occasion of his own march from Egypt against Pharnaces. So Bassus at first remained quiet, satisfied to be allowed to live: when, however, some similar persons had associated themselves with him and he had attracted to his enterprise various soldiers of Sextus who at various times came there to garrison the city, and likewise many alarming reports kept coming in from Africa about Caesar, he was no longer pleased with existing circumstances but raised a rebellion, his aim being either to help the followers of Scipio and Cato and the Pompeians or to clothe himself in some authority. Sextus discovered him before he had finished his preparations, but he explained that he was collecting this body as an auxiliary force for Mithridates of Pergamum against Bosporus; his story was believed, and he was released. So after this he forged an epistle, which he pretended had been sent to him by Scipio, in which he announced that Caesar had been defeated and had perished in Africa and stated that the governorship of Syria had been assigned to him. His next step was to use the forces he had in readiness for occupying Tyre and from there he approached the camp of Sextus. In the attack on the latter which followed Bassus was defeated and wounded. Consequently, after this experience, he no longer employed violent tactics, but sent messages to his opponent's soldiers, and in some way or other so prevailed over some of them that they took upon themselves the murder of Sextus.
[-27-] The latter out of the way the usurper gained possession of all his army except some few. The soldiers wintering in Apamea withdrew before he reached them toward Cilicia, and were pursued but were not won over. Bassus returned to Syria, where he was named commander, and he conquered Apamea so as to have it as a base for warfare. He enlisted not only the free but the slave fighting population, gathered money, and accumulated arms. While he was thus engaged one Gaius Antistius invested the position he was holding, and the two had a nearly even struggle in which neither party succeeded in gaining any great advantage. Thereupon they parted, without any definite truce, to await the bringing up of allies. The troops of Antistius were increased by such persons in the vicinity as favored Caesar and soldiers that had been sent by him from Rome, those of Bassus by Alchaudonius the Arabian. The latter was the leader who had formerly made an arrangement with Lucullus, as I mentioned,31 and later joined with the Parthian against Crassus. On this occasion he was summoned by both sides, but entered the space between the city and the camps and before making any answer auctioned off his services; and as Bassus offered more money he assisted him, and in the battle wrought great havoc with his arrows. The Parthians themselves, too, came at the invitation of Bassus, but on account of the winter failed to remain with him for any considerable time, and hence did not accomplish anything of importance. This commander, then, had his own way for a time, but was later again held in check by Marcius Crispus32 and Lucius Staius Murcus.
[-28-] Things were in this condition among them when Cassius came on the scene and at once conciliated all the cities through the reputation of what he had done in his quaestorship and his other fame, and attached the legions of Bassus and of the rest without additional labor. While he was encamped in one spot with all of them a great downpour from the sky suddenly occurred, during which wild swine rushed into the camp through all the gates at once, overturning and mixing up everything there. Some, accordingly, inferred from this that his power was only temporary and that disaster was subsequently coming. Having secured possession of Syria he set out into Judea on learning that the followers of Caesar left behind in Egypt were approaching. Without effort he enlisted both them and the Jews in his undertaking. Next he sent away without harming in the least Bassus and Crispus and such others as did not care to share the campaign with him; for Staius he preserved the rank with which he had come there and besides entrusted to him the fleet.
Thus did Cassius in brief time become strong: and he sent a despatch to Caesar about reconciliation and to the senate about the situation, couched in similar language to that of Brutus. Therefore the senate confirmed his governorship of Syria and voted for the war with Dolabella. [-29-] The latter had been appointed to govern Syria and had started out while consul, but he proceeded only slowly through Macedonia and Thrace into the province of Asia and delayed there also. While he was still there he received news of the decree, and did not go forward into Syria but remained where he was, treating Trebonius in such a way as to make him believe most strongly that Dolabella was his friend. Trebonius had his free permission to take food for his soldiers and to live on intimate terms with him. When his dupe became in this way imbued with confidence and ceased to be on his guard, Dolabella by night suddenly seized Smyrna, where the other was, slew him, and hurled his head at Caesar's image, and thereafter occupied all of Asia. When the Romans at home heard of this they declared war against him; for as yet Caesar had neither conquered Antony nor obtained a hold upon affairs in the City. The citizens also gave notice to Dolabella's followers of a definite day before which they must leave off friendship with him, in order to avoid being regarded also in the light of enemies. And they instructed the consuls to carry on opposition to him and the entire war as soon as they should have brought their temporary business to a successful conclusion (not knowing yet that Cassius held Syria). But in order that he should not gain still greater power in the interval they gave the governors of the neighboring provinces charge of the matter. Later they learned the news about Cassius, and before anything whatever had been done by his opponents at home they passed the vote that I cited. [-30-] Dolabella, accordingly, after becoming in this way master of Asia came into Cilicia while Cassius was in Palestine, took over the people of Tarsus with their consent, conquered a few of Cassius's guards who were at Aegeae, and invaded Syria.
From Antioch he was repulsed by the contingent guarding the place, but gained Laodicea without a struggle on account of the friendship which its inhabitants felt for the former Caesar. Upon this he spent some days in acquiring new strength,—the fleet among other reinforcements came to him speedily from Asia,—and crossed over into Aradus with the object of getting both money and ships from the people also. There he was intercepted with but few followers and ran into danger. He had escaped from this when he encountered Cassius marching toward him, and gave battle, which resulted in his own defeat. He was then shut up and besieged in Laodicea, where he was entirely cut off from the land, to be sure (Cassius being assisted by some Parthians among others), but retained some power through the Asiatic ships and the Egyptian ones which Cleopatra had sent him, and furthermore by means of the money which came to him from her. So he carried on marauding expeditions until Staius got together a fleet, and sailing into the harbor of Laodicea vanquished the ships that moved out to meet him, and barred Dolabella from the sea also. Then, prevented on both sides from bringing up supplies, he was led by lack of necessaries to make a sortie. However, he was quickly hurled back within the fortress, and seeing that it was being betrayed he feared that he might be taken alive, and so despatched himself. His example was followed by Marcus Octavius, his lieutenant. These were deemed worthy of burial by Cassius, although they had cast out Trebonius unburied. The men who had participated in the campaign with them and survived obtained both safety and amnesty, in spite of having been regarded as enemies by the Romans at home. Nor yet did the Laodiceans suffer any harm beyond being obliged to contribute money. But for that matter no one else, though many subsequently plotted against Cassius, was chastised.
[B.C. 42 (a. u. 712)]
[-31-] While this was going on the people of Tarsus had attempted to keep from the passage through the Taurus Tillius Cimber, an assassin of Caesar who was then governing Bithynia and was hurrying forward to help Cassius. Out of fear, however, they abandoned the spot and at the time made a truce with him, because they thought him strong, but afterward they perceived the small number of his soldiers and neither took him into their city nor furnished him provisions. He constructed a kind of fort over against them and set out for Syria, believing it to be of more importance to aid Cassius than himself to destroy their city. They then made an attack upon this and got possession of it, after which they started for Adana, a place on their borders always at variance with them, giving as an excuse that it was following the cause of Cassius. The latter, when he heard of it, first, while Dolabella was still alive sent Lucius Rufus against them, but later came himself, to find that they had already capitulated to Rufus without a struggle. Upon them he inflicted no severe penalty save to take away all their money, private and public. As a result, the people of Tarsus received praise from the triumvirate, who now held sway in Rome, and were inspired with hope of obtaining some return for their losses. Cleopatra also, on account of the detachment she had sent to Dolabella, was granted the right to have her son called King of Egypt. This son, whom she named Ptolemy, she also pretended was sprung from Caesar, and she was therefore wont to address him as Caesarion.
[-32-] Cassius when he had settled matters in Syria and in Cilicia came to meet Brutus in Asia. For when they learned of the union of the triumvirs and what the latter were doing against them, they came together there and made common cause more than ever. As they had a like responsibility for the war and looked forward to a like danger and did not even now recede from their position regarding the freedom of the people, and as they were eager also to overthrow their opponents, three in number and the authors of such deeds, they could plan and accomplish everything in common with much greater zest. To be brief, they resolved to enter Macedonia and to hinder the others from crossing over there, or else to cross into Italy before the others started. Since the men were said to be still settling affairs in Rome and it was thought likely that they should have their hands full with Sextus, lying in wait near by, they did not carry out their plans immediately. Instead, they went about themselves and sent others in various directions, winning over such as were not yet in accord with them, and gathering money and soldiers. [-33-] In this way nearly all the rest, even those who had before paid no attention to them, at once made agreements with them; but Ariobarzanes, the Rhodians, and the Lycians, though they did not oppose them, were still unwilling to form an alliance with them. These were therefore suspected by Brutus and Cassius of favoring their antagonists, since they had been well treated by the former Caesar, and fear was entertained by the two leaders lest when they themselves departed this group should cause some turmoil and lead the rest to revolt. Hence they determined to turn first in the direction of these doubtful parties, hoping that since they were far stronger in point of weapons and were willing to bestow favors ungrudgingly they might soon either persuade or force them to join. The Rhodians, who had so great an opinion of their seamanship that they anticipated Cassius by sailing to the mainland and displayed to his army the fetters they were bringing with the idea that they were going to capture many alive, were yet conquered by him, first in a naval battle near Myndus and later close to Rhodes itself. The commanding officer was Staius, who overcame their skill by the number and size of his ships. Thereupon Cassius himself crossed over to their island, where he met with no resistance, possessing, as he did, their goodwill because of the stay he had made there in the interests of his education. And he did them no hurt except to appropriate their ships and money and holy and sacred vessels,—all save the chariot of the Sun. Afterward he arrested and killed Ariobarzanes.
[-34-] Brutus overcame in battle the public army of the Lycians which confronted him near the borders, and entering the citadel at the same time as the fugitives captured it at a single stroke; the majority of the cities he brought to his side, but Xanthus he shut up in a state of siege. Suddenly the inhabitants made a sortie, and themselves rushed in with them, and once inside arrows and javelins at once rendered his position very dangerous. He would, indeed, have perished utterly, had not his soldiers pushed their way through the very fire and unexpectedly attacked the assailants, who were light-armed. These they hurled back within the walls and themselves rushed in with them, and once inside cast some of the fire on several houses, terrifying those who saw what was being done, and giving those at a distance the impression that they had simply captured everything. The result was that the natives of their own accord helped set fire to the rest, and most of them slew one another. Next Brutus came to Patara and invited the people to conclude friendship; but they would not obey, for the slaves and the poorer portion of the free population, who had received in advance for their services the former freedom, the latter remission of debts, prevented any compact being made. So at first he sent them the captive Xanthians, to whom many of them were related by marriage, in the hope that through these he might bring them to terms. When they yielded none the more, in spite of his giving to each man gratuitously his own kin, he erected a kind of salesroom in a safe spot under the very wall, where he led each one of the prominent men past and auctioned him off, to see if by this means at least he could gain the Patareans. They were as little inclined as ever to make concessions, whereupon he sold a few and let the rest go. When those within saw this, they no longer were stubborn, but forthwith attached themselves to his cause, regarding him as an upright man; and they were punished only in a pecuniary way. The people of Myra took the same action when after capturing their general at the harbor he then released him. Similarly in a short time he secured control of the rest.
[-35-] When both had effected this they came again into Asia; and all the suspicious facts they had heard from slanderous talk which will arise under such conditions they brought up in common, one case at a time, and, after they were settled, hastened into Macedonia. They had been anticipated by Gaius Norbanus and Decidius Saxa, who had crossed over into Ionium before Staius reached there, had occupied the whole country as far as Pangaeum, and had encamped near Philippi. This city is located close beside Mount Pangaeum and close beside Symbolon. Symbolon is a name they give the place for the reason that the mountain mentioned corresponds (symballei) to another that rises in the interior; and it is between Neapolis and Philippi. The former was near the sea, across from Thasos, while the latter has been built within the mountains on the plain. Saxa and Norbanus happened to have occupied the shortest path across, therefore Brutus and Cassius did not even try to get through that way, but went around by a longer path,—the so-called Crenides.33 Here, too, they encountered a guard, but overpowered it, got inside the mountains, approached the city along the high ground, and there encamped each one apart,—if we are to follow the story. As a matter of fact they bivouacked in one spot. In order that the soldiers might preserve better discipline and be easier to manage, the camp was made up of two separate divisions: but as all of it, including the intervening space, was surrounded by a ditch and a rampart, the entire circuit belonged to both, and from it they derived safety in common. [-36-] They were far superior in numbers to their adversaries then present and by that means got possession of Symbolon, having first ejected the inhabitants. In this way they were able to bring provisions from the sea, over a shorter stretch of country, and had only to make a descent from the plain to get them. For Norbanus and Saxa did not venture to offer them battle with their entire force, though they did send out horsemen to make sorties, wherever opportunity offered. Accomplishing nothing, however, they were rather careful to keep their camp well guarded than to expose it to danger, and sent in haste for Caesar and Antony. These leaders on learning that Cassius and Brutus were for some time busy with the Rhodians and the Lycians had thought that their adversaries would have more fighting on their hands there, and so instead of hastening had sent Saxa and Norbanus forward into Macedonia. On finding out that their representatives were caught they bestowed praise on the Lycians and Rhodians, promising to make them a present of money, and they themselves at once set out from the city. Both, however, encountered a delay of some time,—Antony near Brundusium, because blocked by Staius, and Caesar near Rhegium, having first turned aside to meet Sextus, held Sicily and was making an attempt on Italy. [-37-] When it seemed to them to be impossible to dislodge him, and the case of Cassius and Brutus appeared to be more urgent, they left a small part of their army to garrison Italy and with the major portion safely crossed the Ionian sea. Caesar fell sick and was left behind at Dyrrachium, while Antony marched for Philippi. For a time he was a source of some strength to his soldiers, but after laying an ambush for some of the opposite party that were gathering grain and failing in his attempt he was no longer of good courage himself. Caesar heard of it and feared either possible outcome, that his colleague should be defeated in a separate attack or again that he should conquer: in the former event he felt that Brutus and Cassius would attain power, and in the latter that Antony would have it all himself; therefore he made haste though still unwell. At this action the followers of Antony also took courage. And since it did not seem safe for them to refuse to encamp together, they brought the three divisions together to one spot and into one stronghold. While the opposing forces were facing each other sallies and excursions took place on both sides, as chance dictated. For some time, however, no ordered battle was joined, although Caesar and Antony were exceedingly anxious to bring on a conflict. Their forces stronger than those of their adversaries, but they were not so abundantly supplied with provisions, because their fleet was away fighting Sextus and they were therefore not masters of the sea.
[-38-] Hence these men for the reasons specified and because of Sextus, who held Sicily and was making an attempt on Italy, were excited by the fear that while they delayed he might capture Italy and come into Macedonia. Cassius and Brutus had no particular aversion to a battle,—they had the advantage in the number of soldiers, though the latter were deficient in strength,—but some reflection on their own condition and that of their opponents showed them that allies were being added to their own numbers every day and that they had abundant food by the help of the ships; consequently they put off action in the hope of gaining their ends without danger and loss of men. Because they were lovers of the people in no pretended sense and were contending with citizens, they consulted the interests of the latter no less than those of their own associates, and desired to afford preservation and liberty to both alike. For some time, therefore, they waited, not wishing to provoke a contest with them. The troops, however, being composed mostly of subject nations, were oppressed by the delay and despised their antagonists who, apparently out of fear, offered within the fortifications the sacrifice of purification, which regularly precedes struggles. Hence they urged a battle and spread a report that if there should be more delay, they would abandon the camp and disperse; and at this the leaders, though against their will, went to meet the foe.
[-39-] You might not unnaturally guess that this struggle proved tremendous and surpassed all previous civil conflicts of the Romans. This was not because these contestants excelled those of the old days in either the number or the valor of the warriors, for far larger masses and braver men than they had fought on many fields, but because on this occasion they contended for liberty and for democracy as never before. And they came to blows with one another again later just as they had previously. But the subsequent struggles they carried on to see to whom they should belong: on this occasion the one side was trying to bring them into subjection to sovereignty, the other side into a state of autonomy. Hence the people never attained again to the absolute right of free speech, in spite of being vanquished by no foreign nation (the subject population and the allied nations then present on both sides were merely a kind of complement of the citizen army): but the people at once gained the mastery over and fell into subjection to itself; it defeated itself and was defeated; and in that effort it exhausted the democratic element and strengthened the monarchical. I do not say that the people's defeat at that time was not beneficial. (What else can one say regarding those who fought on both sides than that the Romans were conquered and Caesar was victorious?) They were no longer capable of concord in the established form of government; for it is impossible for an unadulterated democracy that has grown to acquire domains of such vast size to have the faculty of moderation. After undertaking many similar conflicts repeatedly, one after another, they would certainly some day have been either enslaved or ruined.
[-40-] We may infer also from the portents which appeared to them on that occasion that the struggle between them was clearly tremendous. Heaven, as it is ever accustomed to give indications before most remarkable events, foretold to them accurately both in Rome and in Macedonia all the results that would come from it. In the City the sun at one time appeared diminished and grew extremely small, and again showed itself now huge, now tripled in form, and once shone forth at night. Thunderbolts descended on many spots, and most significantly upon the altar of Jupiter Victor; flashes darted hither and thither; notes of trumpets, clashing of arms, and cries of camps were heard by night from the gardens of Caesar and of Antony, located close together beside the Tiber. Moreover a dog dragged the body of a dog to the temple of Ceres, where he dug the earth with his paws and buried it. A child was born with hands that had ten fingers, and a mule gave birth to a prodigy of two species. The front part of it resembled a horse, and the rest a mule. The chariot of Minerva while returning to the Capitol from a horse-race was dashed to pieces, and the statue of Jupiter at Albanum sent forth blood at the very time of the Feriae from its right shoulder and right hand. These were advance indications to them from Heaven, and the rivers also in their land gave out entirely or began to flow backward. And any chance deeds of men seemed to point to the same end. During the Feriae the prefect of the city celebrated the festival of Latiaris,34 which neither belonged to him nor was ordinarily observed at that time, and the plebeian aediles offered to Ceres contests in armor in place of the horse-race. This was what took place in Rome, where certain oracles also both before the events and pertaining to them were recited, tending to the downfall of the democracy. In Macedonia, to which Pangeaum and the territory surrounding it are regarded as belonging, bees in swarms pervaded the camp of Cassius, and in the course of its purification some one set the garland upon his head wrong end foremost, and a boy while carrying a Victory in some procession, such as the soldiers inaugurate, fell down.35 But the thing which most of all portended destruction to them, so that it became plain even to their enemies, was that many vultures and many other birds, too, that devour corpses gathered only above the heads of the conspirators, gazing down upon them and squawking and screeching with terrible and bloodcurdling notes.